I 



5th Congwsss, [ SENATE. ] 

2d /Session. 



LETTER 

FROM 

THE SECRETARY OF WAK, 

TO THE 

hair man of the Committee on Indian Affairs, in relation to the payment 
of Indian annuities, and, the necessity of imposing farther restrictions 
upon Indian traders. 



February 14, 1838. 

Referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 



Department of War. 

February 13, 1838. 
Sir : Concurring in the views expressed by the Commissioner of Indian 
fFairs, in the accompanying communication, I deem it my duty to lay it, 
ith its accompanying documents, before the Committee on Indian Affairs, 
r such action as that committee may deem requisite and proper. 
Very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 

J. R. POINSETT. 

Hon. Hugh ] White, 

Chairman Committee Indian Affairs, Senate. 



War Department, 
Office Indian Affairs, February 12, 1838. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit copies of communications from several 
rents and officers of the Indian Department, relative to the trade with the 
idian tribes, and the payment of their annuities. In connexion with 
ese, I would invite your attention to the extracts from the reports of the 
iperintendents and others, Nos. 21, 22, and 23, appended to the annual 
mimunication from this office at the beginning of the present session, 
'hese all concur in the opinions that the annuities should be paid in goods 
id to heads' of families, and that some changes in the laws relative to the 
ade, imposing further restrictions upon the traders, are essential. In con* 
filiation of these views, extracts from other communications, which exhibit 
le occurrences at some of the payments the last year, are also submitted, 
am satisfied, from the uniform tenor of these papers, that the difficulties 

lair & Rives, printers; 



[ 198 ] 



[ 198 ] 



that, in some cases, attended and followed the offer of a moiety of the ar 
nuities in goo^s. were caused by the large indebtedness of the Indians t 
their traders, and to the undue iniljience of the latter over them. In th 
propriety and wisdom of that offer, under the circumstances, 1 entertain n 
doubt ; and I am equally confident that this influence is not only preju 
dicial to the Indians, but has been frequently exercised to defeat negotia 
tions with them, and to prevent the accomplishment of objects sanctioned 
by treaties, and others devised and calculated to promote their welfare an( 
permanent improvement. Two instances of interference with negotiations 
authorized by law are stated by the superintendent of Wisconsin Territory 
in the report from this office of January 9, 1837, which may be found a 
pages 153 and 154 of the pamphlet copy of my last annual report. The 
subjects herein adverted to are submitted for such direction as you may 
think proper to give to them. 

Very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 



C. A. HARRIS, 

Commissioner, 



Hon. J. R. Poinsett, 

Secretary of War. 



List of papers transmitted loith the preceding letter, 

1. Extract from a letter, A. C. Pepper, Indian agent, Indian Agency 
Indian a/dated July 3, 1837. 

2. Extract from a letter from Major Jno. Garland, Mackinac, datec 
September 9, 1837. 

3. Extracts from a letter from J. W. Edmonds, Detroit, dated Septembe] 
11, 1837. 

4. Letter from J. W. Edmonds, with the enclosures 5 New York, datec 
December 28, 1837. 

5. Letter from Captain Hitchcock, St. Louis, dated September 29, 1837 

6. Letter from John Dougherty, Washington, dated December 6, 1837. 

7. Report of Joshua Pilcher, St. Louis, dated December 26, 1837. 

8. Printed report of J. W. Edmonds, on occurrences at the Potawatami* 
payment in 1837. 

9. Extract from a letter from Major Jno. Garland, Detroit, dated Jan 
uary 17,1838. 

10. Extract from a letter from Lawrence Taliaferro, Washington, date< 
January 20, 1836. 

11. Letter from Lawrence Taliaferro, Bedford, dated February 5, 1838. 



3 



[ 1*8 j 



No. I. 

^l:-tracl from, a letter from A. C. Pepper, Indian agent, dated Indian 
Agency, Indiana, July 3, 1837. 

Sir ; I have had the. honor to, receive your letter of the 23d June, and 
the enclosures, except the revised regulations Nos. 3 and 4, and the copies 
of the law of 1834, which have not come to hand. Your instructions 
shall be literally complied with, so Far as their fulfilment may depend upon 
any efforts or influence on my part. I doubt not the wants of the Indians 
will be much better supplied, and at cheaper rates, by the method of paying 
annuities suggested by you than any other; but it is due to truth that I 
should frankly state, 1 ha^e no hope of success in the undertaking, espe- 
cially with the Miamies, some of whose principal traders are Indians pos- 
sessing great influence. You will see at once that any explanation as to 
the cheapness of goods supplied by the Government, in comparison with 
the high prices which these men have been accustomed to charge, will be 
offensive to them, and the attempt will he made by all the traders to give 
Ihis measure the aspect of favoritism towards the New York merchants, to 
the exclusion of the western dealers, both in the sale of goods and the 
collection of debts. While I most heartily concur in the propriety of your 
views, and the justness of the motives that have influenced you to adopt 
the measure proposed, it seems to me it would be disingenuous not to ad- 
vise you of the character of the opposition from this quarter. * * * 



No. 2, 

Extract from a letter from Major Jno. Garland, dattd Mackinac^ 9th 

September, 1837. 

# * * * # * ♦ * 

'The Indian agent at Green Bay has had a petition presented to him 
signed by the chiefs of the Menomonies. requesting their great father to ap- 
point a kind of sutler to be located in the Indian country, with goods and 
provisions to be dealt out to them according to their necessities, and the 
amount to be deducted from their next year's annuity. This project is, I 
understand, sanctioned by the agent. It comes with a bad grace from 
these chiefs, for in council, not a week previous, they refused, fn the most 
decided manner, to receive any more of their great father's goods. These 
Indians are undoubtedly in a very destitute condition, but unless they are 
in a great measure thrown upon their own exertions for support, they will 
loiter around such a depot as is proposed, and ultimately become entirely- 
worthless, and dependant upon the bounty of the Government. I would 
ndvise no other measure for their relief, other than the depositing of a few 
thousand bushels of corn in the hands of the disbursing agent at Green 
Bay, to be dealt out to them in cases of absolute distress. This corn can 
be contracted for, and the amount deducted from their next year's annuity. 



4 



No. 3. 

Extracts from a letter from J. W. Edmonds, dated Detroit, 1 \th SepUfh* 

her, 1837. 

I promised you a more detailed report of my proceedings, as the substi- 
tute of Major Garland, in making to the Menomonie Indians the payment 
of their annuities. / / 

I visited the payment ground for the purpose of . consulting the chiefs as 
to the proper persons to be the recipients of their bounty, in the distribu- 
tion of the half-breed fund. The place appointed was about seventy miles 
from Green Bay ; and I preceded the Major two or three days for the pur- 
pose of getting through my business with the chiefs before his arrival, so 
as not to interfere with his business. He arrived, however, before 1 com- 
pleted my business, but so very ill from a severe attack of bilious fever that 
I thought his life could be preserved only by causing him to be immediately 
sent back to the settlement, where he could receive medical aid. To relieve 
his anxiety, 1 assumed upon myself the discharge of his duties. The goods 
invoiced at $13,194 were on the ground, and he delivered to me in coin 
$14,195. I held one council with the chiefs before he started on his 
return. * ' * 

In answer to their question as to how much specie I was going to pay 
them, I told them $13,000, and then I offered them the goods for the same 
amount, and explained the reasons for doing so. I asked them, before they 
decided whether they would take them, to look at and examine them, and 
examine the prices, and see whether there were any they did not want. 

The next morning they came into council, and, without making the 
examination which I requested, they said they would not take the ^oods. 
I told them they had decided like children. That the goods were" what 
they wanted, and what they would buy of the traders if they had the mo- 
ney, and they did not know whether we offered them to them for less or 
more than the traders would. I then repeated to them the substance of 
your instructions upon that point, and requested them to think of it until 
next day. But they answered they were not children, to say one thing one 
day and another the next day — they would not take the goods ; and so the 
council broke up. 

It was so palpably for the interest of the Indians to take the goods that 
I became satisfied that it was not their own notions, but some external in- 
fluence which operated with them. 

I then had an interview with some of the traders and half-breeds. I told 
them that though 1 could not put my finger on any particular act of any 
one person, yet I was so well satisfied of the existence of a counteracting 
influence, that I should have no hesitation in reporting to Government my 
belief, that to such influence entirely, the refusal of the Indians was pro- 
perly attributable, and I thought it intolerable that, while they were asking 
Government to protect them in the collection of their debts, and to aid them 
in receiving a large donation from the Indians, they should use their efforts to 
thwart the measures of Government and injure the Indians. Some frankly 
avowed they had used their influence to that end, and would continue so to do, 
because they had laid in a large stock of goods, and must sell them or lose 
money. Some denied that they had used any influence, yet denounced the 
measure of Government as injurious to them : while others said they had 



5 



[ 198] 



mot said any thing to the Indians upon the subject, because they had not 
been requested to do so. They thought it best for the Indians to take the 
goods, and they would say so if I wished it. I told them I was instructed 
not to press the goods upon the Indians, and all 1 asked was that they 
might be permitted to exercise their own judgment, free from any external 
influence. / 

That same night 1 was informed that the chiefs were holding councils 
with each other and with some of the traders and half-breed claimants. 
The next morning they came into council and told me they had altered 
their minds, and concluded to take the goods on the conditions mentioned 
in a paper which they handed me. T saw, at a cursory glance, that those 
conditions were entirely inadmissible, and that the papers being made 
public would give rise to a very high and unpleasant excitement on the 
ground. I broke up the council, however, without giving any answer. 
I consulted with Colonel Boyd and with Colonel Svvasy, who was then 
acting as my secretary, and was happy to find their opinion coincided with 
mine. I then caused my determination to be made known to the actors in 
that operation, together with my fears for the consequences to themselves, 
in case I should make the contents of the paper public. After a little 
while, they requested leave of me to withdraw the paper. To that I could 
not consent, because it had come to me the chiefs, and not from them. 
The chiefs could withdraw the paper if they chose, or they could with- 
draw the condition they had attached to the receipt of the goods. 

I had, in the mean time, notified the chiefs to meet me in council. 
They did so, and I told them that [ could not accede to their proposition ; 
that by the treaty they had a right to designate who should receive portions 
of the hall-breed fund, but it was my duty to determine what that portion 
should be, and that duty I should discharge without any reference to their 
acceptance or refusal of the goods ; that the two matters were entirely 
■dis-inct, and must be kept so. 

In 'their reply, they withdrew the condition they had attached to their 
acceptance of the goods, and merely requested that the persons named on 
the paper might receive a share of the half-breed fund. 

I enclose 'you a copy of the paper presented to me by the chiefs, that my 
remarks may be more intelligible. 

In one of their councils, the chiefs had said that some of the goods were 
such as they did not like, or want. At this last council I requested them 
to tell me what they were. They selected two individuals to examine as 
to the kind of goods and the prices, who reported favorably as to every 
thing but the cotton shirtings and sheetings, which they said the Indians 
did not want. These articles amounted to $302 85, and I told the chiefs 
I would pay them that amount in coin. 

I then offered the chiefs the goods in bulk, but they declined that, and 
requested me to distribute to each his proper share. 

On the following days, I proceeded in and accomplished the distribution, 
adopting the same plan which was pursued at Mackinac last year, and 
finally distributed to them goods, amounting, according to the invoice, to 
$12,697 15, being the amount of the cottons (viz: $302 85) less than 
$13,00!\ 

The chiefs had been impressed with various notions which stood in my 
way. One I had removed by deducting the cottons ; another was, that this 
proposition to pay in goods this year was only an entering wedge for future 



[ 198 ] 6 

operations of the same kind. I expressed to them my ^opinion, that it 
would always be better for them to receive their annuity in goods or pro- 
visions, but that it was left to themselves to decide ; and we were particularly 
instructed to inquire whether they would receive their next annuity in 
goods or coin. They answered very promptly, and at almost every council 
repeated it, that they wanted their annuity in coin. 

Another was, that the goods proposed to be delivered were inferior in 
quality and dearer in price, than those which the traders would furnish. 

I know very little about Indian goods, their quality or price, having, 
indeed, no other information than such as I have acquired during the short 
period I have been engaged in your department. 

Relying, therefore, upon your instructions to Major Garland, I assured 
the Indians that the goods had been purchased directly of the importers, 
and therefore they would receive them cheaper from Government than 
they could from the trader ; I instanced to them particularly the blankets, 
which I supposed were charged on the invoice at $5 the pair. 

So confident was I of the comparative cheapness of the goods, that I 
had no hesitation in showing the invoice to all who wished to see it. All 
agreed with me in the belief that the blankets were charged by the pair, 
and not by the single one. I accordingly began to tear up and assort the 
goods for distribution. During this time, some of the traders had been 
very busy in impressing the Indians with the belief that I w.as intentionally 
deceiving them, and in inducing them still to refuse taking the goods. 
To counteract these operations, I called the chiefs together, and assured 
them that in my assertions as to the cheapness of the goods generally. 
I had represented what both the Government and I believed to be true; 
that if it should turn out to be otherwise, they could safely rely upon the 
justice of the Government to make up any proper deficiency. In order, 
however, to have a definite point to their complaints, I requested thern to 
appoint some two or three persons to confer with the sub-agent and myself 
upon the matter, and ascertain what deduction they claimed, and then i 
proceeded in the distribution. 

The next day I paid the Indians their money, amounting to $13,382 85. 
Before I commenced paying, the chiefs handed me a paper signed by their 
friends, which I enclose to you, showing the amount of their claim. I 
immediately protested against it; first, as being unfair in itself, because I 
knew that neither of the gentlemen who had signed it would, for a moment, 
think of delivering goods to them at the prices which they had there fixed ; 
and, secondly, because they had not consulted with the agent and myself 
as I had had requested. I told them, however, that I would represent 
their wishes to the department. 

In the whole of my operations as to the goo/Is,.! met with opposition both 
secret and open from persons who were not Indians, and whose frequent 
method of attack was misrepresentation of my motives and conduct. 1 was 
not, however, willing to abandon my efforts ; because I was not only 
persuaded that it was best for the Indians to take the goods, hut they were, 
or would be, absolutely necessary for their comfort during the approaching 
winter, and I was informed that the money which they would receive 
would scarcely be enough to pay their debts. 

I am confirmed in this belief by this fact : although the chiefs so frequently 
insisted to me that their next year's annuity should he paid in coin, yet, 
before I left Green Bay, Colonel Boyd informed me that he had received a 



7 



[ iC8] 



communication from the chiefs, requesting that their annuity should be 

advanced to them during the winter in provisions and clothing, alleging, 

as a reason for their request, that otherwise they must suffer ! 

How much more would they have suffered, if they had not taken the 

goods you sent them ? 

*** ***** * 

I enclose, herewith, the following papers on this subject: 
A copy of the paper handed me by the chiefs, showing the condition on 
which they would lake the goods. This is marked A. 

The paper of their friends, sho\?mg how much deduction they claim on 

account of the price of the goods. .Marked B. 

* * . * * * * * * * 



A. 



Butte be Morts, August 23, 1837. 

The chiefs and headmen of the Menomonie nation of Indians would 
represent to the commissioner of the United States, their regret that any 
misunderstanding should take place between the President of the United 
States and themselves, respecting the late treaty. 

In order, therefore, to reconcile the difficulties which exist, the said chiefs 
and headmen hereby agree to take the goods now sent for the nation, (except 
such articles as are not useful for them, say $700 or $800 worth of white 
cotton, satinett, &c.,) and they request their great father not to send them 
any goods hereafter, but the money ; on condition that the commissioner 
of the United States will allow the half-breed money to be distributed as 
follows, viz : 

To the family of Augustin Grignon. 



To the family of John La we. 



Lewis Grrignon's family, 



Amable Grignon's family, 



, Nancy, his wife 
Margarett, daughter 
Charles, son - 
Alexander, son 
Paul, son 
Sophia, daughter 
Rachel, daughter 
George, son - 
David, son 
Rebecca, daughter 
Mariah, daughter 
Polly, daughter 
Jane, daughter 
Polonia, daughter 
Andre Vedux 
Charlotte, daughter 
Agate, daughter 
George, son - 
Elizabeth, daughter 
Ursil, daughter 
Pierre, son 
Andre, son 
Theotes, son - 
Gnaa, son 



$1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1.000 
1,000 
1,000 
1.000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 
1,000 



[ 198 ] 



8 



Marie, daughter - - $1,000 

Jean Bte., son - - 1,000 

Jaques Poller's family, Jaques, jr., son - - 1,000 

Paul, son - - 1,000 

Lewis, son - - - 1,000 

Robert Grignon's family , Susan, daughter - - 1,000 

Louise, daughter - - 1,000 

Juliette, daughter - - 1,000 
Bernard Grignon --------- 1.000 

William Powell - - - - - - iflOO 

Paul Grignon's family, Harriet, daughter - - 500 

Lizette, daughter - - 500 

Rachel, daughter - - 500 

Amable, son - - - 500 

Marie, daughter - - 500 
William Pranks, Thomas Franks, John Franks, Sarah Franks, each 500 

Benjamin Route - - - - - - 500 

Robert Grignon - - - - 1,000 

The residue of the money to be divided equally between such as the 
commissioner may determine upon. 

B. 

25 pair 31 point Mackinac blankets, at $8 50 - - $212 50 

140 pair 3*point Mackinac blankets, at $6 50 - - 910 00 

45 pair 2 J point Mackinac blankets, at $5 - - 225 00 

5 pair 2\ point Mackinac blankets, at $5 - - 25 00 

24 pair 2 point Mackinac blankets, at $3 50 - - 84 00 

22 pair 1 J point Mackinac blankets, at $2 75 - 60 50 

1 2 pair 1 point Mackinac blankets, at $2 25 - - 27 00 

8 pair Mackinac wrappers, at $3 - 24 00 

1631 yards fine blue cloth, at $3 - - - 490 50 

591 yards superfine blue cloth, at $4- 238 00 

487j yards grey list blue cloth, at $2 25 - - - 1,096 31 

1,0161 yards save list blue cloth, at $1 75 - - - 1,778 87 

59 yards save list green cloth, at $2 50 - - - 147 50 

282| yards save list scarlet cloth, at $1 75 - - - 494 81 

1691 yards fine satinett, at $1 05 - - - - 177 98 

2521 yards common satinett, at 50 cents - - - 126 25 

2411 yards linsey, at 28 cents - - - - 67 62 

136^ yards scarlet flannel, at 37J cents - - 51 19 

1,7031 yards super blue prints, at 151 cer) t s . . v 264 00 

1,755 yards fancy prints, at 20 cents - - - 351 00 

766f yards f domestic plaid, at 11 cents - - 84 35 

896f yards f- domestic plaid, at 16 cents - - - 143 48 

160 black silk handkerchiefs, at 371 cents 60 00 

24 cross barred handkerchiefs, at 37^ cents - • 9 00 

174 cotton flaog handkerchiefs, at 12^cents - - 21 75 

372 | cotton shawls, at 621 Crnts - - 232 50 

245 £ cotton shawls, at 75^61)18 - - - 183 75 



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[ 198] 



235 f cotton shawls, at 87^- cents - - - - $205 62 

2S gross assorted gartering, at $3 50 - - - 98 00 

44 pieces No. 3 taffeta ribbon, at 37^- cents - - 16 50 

62 pieces No. 4 taffeta ribbon, at 62| cents - - 38 75 

58 pieces No. 6 taffeta ribbon, at 87| cents - - 50 75 

17 pieces No. 9 taffeta ribbon, at $1 37| - - 23 37 

50 dozen cartouch and scalping- knives, at $1 37|- - 68 75 

25 dozen Jack knives, at $1 87|- - - - 46 87 

20 dozen scissors, at $1 871 " - - - - 37 50 

125 pounds white and brown thread, at $1 - - 125 00 

60 j- worsted yarn, "at $1 50 - - - - 90 75 

96 Indian guns, at $4 50 - - - - 432 00 

600 pounds powder, at 22 cents - 132 00 

2,000 gun flints, at $L 50 - - - - 3 00 

80 American cast steel half axes, at 75 cents - - 60 00 

25 pounds white beads, at 62^ cents - - - 15 62 

25 pounds black beads, at 37-| cents - - - 9 37 

25 bunches cut glass beads, at 25 cents - - - 6 25 

25 dozen paper case glasses, at 45 cents - - - 11 25 

26 powder horns, at. $ 1 50 - - - - 39 00 
80 frying pans, at 44 cents - - - 35 20 
10|- pounds Chinese vermilion, at $1 75 - - - 18 37 

l" gross Indian awls, at $2 25 - - - - 2 25 

2 gross gun worms, at $1 50 - - - - 3 00 

48 worsted sashes, at 30 cents - - 14 40 



$8,070 43 

Transportation on 9,311 pounds merchandise, from New York 

to Green Bay, at $2 20 per cwt. - - - - 204 84 



$8,275 27 

Amount of Suydam, Jackson, & Co.'s bill for Menomonies - 13,000 00 



$4 ; 724 73 



The undersigned having been requested by the chiefs of the Menomonie 
nation to examine both the quality and price of the goods purchased by 
the United States Government of Messrs. Suydam, Jackson, & Co., of New 
York, in part payment of their annuity of 1837, report as follows : 

That many of the articles are of an inferior quality, and all charged at 
far beyond the market price of the same articles. 

They have copied the invoice and attached prices they consider to be 
fair and of the full value, amounting in all, including transportation to 
Green Bav, to $8,275 27. 

ROBERT STUART, 
CHAS. R. BRUSH, 
HIRAM B. POTTER. 

N. B. — There are some of the within articles which I had not an oppor- 
tunity of comparing with similar articles purchased in New York this 
season, and respecting which I cannot certify positively ; but. on the whole, 
I am satisfied the within valuation cannot be much out of the way. 

ROBERT STUART, 



[ 198] 



10 



No. 4. 

New York, December 28, 1837. 

Sir: In addition to my letter of the 11th of September last, 1 deem it 
proper to make to you the following statement in relerence to the distribu- 
tion of goods to the Menomonie Indians. 

The ground on which the white men who surrounded them claimed 
they had been injured, was that the goods were not furnished to them by 
Government upon the advantageous terms, as to price, which were pro- 
fessed in your instructions, nor indeed at as low a price as the traders of 
the vicinity would furnish them. 

How true these allegations were, I could not determine without further 
information. I took measures to obtain that information. I addressed a 
note to the assistant quartermaster stationed at Fort Howard, requesting 
him to ascertain the prices at which the traders in that vicinity usually 
sold similar goods to the Indians. ,j 

Not having had access to the claims presented and allowed under the 
treaty with the Menomonies, I was deprived of that means of obtaining the 
necessary information, than which nothing would have been more con- 
clusive ; and not having received any reply from the assistant quarter- 
master, I am not able to determine how well grounded the allegation is, 
except from analogy. 

On my return to Detroit from Green Bay, I met with one of the mem- 
bers of the house which had taken the contract for the supply of those 
goods. I apprized him of the operations at the Butte de Mtrte, and re- 
quested him to obtain information of the prices of goods sold to the Indians 
at Mackinac, or other trading posts in Michigan. 

In consequence of this request, I have been furnished with letters from 
B. B. Kercheval, Esq., of Detroit, and from John A. Drew, of Mackinac, 
(one of the firm of Biddle and Drew,) a house very extensively engaged 
in the Indian trade. Those letters are herewith transmitted. 

The trade at Mackinac is probably a fair criterion by which to judge 
of the trade at Green Bay and/its vicinity. Both of those places are nearer 
the frontier than the Wabash in Indiana, and, of course, goods are retailed 
at higher prices at the former than at the latter place. I say of course, be- 
cause in Indiana the number and credit of the Indians are both less, and 
the number of traders is proportionably greater than on the borders of Lakes 
Huron and Michigan. 

You are aware that my recent examinations of the claims against the 
Potawatamies of the Wabash have given me an opportunity of knowing 
the prices at which goods are sold to them. I have prepared and hereto 
annex a table showing the prices fixed by Messrs. Stewart, Brush, & Pot- 
ter, and the prices at which similar goods are sold in Indiana. This com- 
parison cannot be objected to when it is recollected that the competition 
is greater, and the trade more active and expensive, in Indiana than in 
Wisconsin. 

Annexed, you will also receive a correspondence between Messrs. Suy- 
dam, Jackson, & Co., and myself, by which it appears that Messrs. Stuart, 
Brush, &. Potter have put the prices of many articles below their whole- 
sale price, deliverable at New York ; have added nothing for risk, profits, 
or insurance; have stated the transportation at less than the actual cost, and 
have made no , allowance for other necessary expenses attending the delivery 
at so distant a post. 



1 1 



[ 198 ] 



There are other circumstances attending their certificate which must de- 
tract from its force. 

It will be seen that they have made an error of $1,100 in the fooling of 
their columns. They state the amount of the bill at their prices, at $8,070 43, 
when,, correctly added, it amounts to $9,170 0. 

Only one of them (Mr. Potter) was engaged in the Indian trade, and he 
had been so engaged only a few months/and neither of them, unless it 
might be that one, could have had an opportunity of knowing the prices of 
goods at New York after the suspensioirof specie payments. 

Besides, Mr. Stuart was one of the two persons chosen by the Indians to 
look over the invoice of Suydam, Jackson, & Co., and say what articles 
were not useful. He had the invoice some time in his possession, and surely 
if the prices were so extravagant as to justify a deduction of more than 
one-third to bring them down to a fair valuation, it might be expected that 
the discovery would have been made thew. 

In their certificate they speak of the goods being; charged far beyond the 
" market price." The market price at what place, Green Bay or New York? 
They do not say. If the latter, as is most probable, then it will be seen 
that they have erred in not allowing something for the risk, or enough for 
the expense, of transportation ; that they have erred in not valuing the 
goods as high as the wholesale prices in New York ; and have made a 
material error of $1,100 in footing up their columns. 

I have no 'other means of determining whether the goods were, or were 
not, delivered at fair prices: but. having in the course of my inquiries be- 
come possessed of the information to which I have alluded, i have felt it 
my duty to cornmuuicate it to you. as it may assist you in arriving at a just 
conclusion upon this question. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. W. EDMONDS. 

C. A. Harris, Esq. 

Com. of Indian Affairs. 

P. S. — I ought also to call your attention to another error into which Mr. 
Stuart and his associates have fallen. In making out the amount of their 
bill at $8,070 43, they have not taken into accountthe shirting and sheeting 
included in the invoice of Messrs. Suydam, Jackson, & Co., but have in- 
cluded them in the sum of $13,000, from which they deduct the amount 
of the bill as they made it out. 

The whole amount of the invoice was $13,194; and not $13,000, as 
they assume it. 

If they had stated the matter correctly, it would have been thus : 
Whole invoice - - - " - - - $13,194 00 

Deduct shirting and sheeting which the Indians refused to 

take - - - - - 302 85 



$12,891 15 

From this, deduct the bill as made out by Mr. Stuart and 

others, including transportation - - 8,275 27 

Leaving a balance of - - - - $4,615 88 

instead of $4,724 73, as they state it. 



[ 198 ] 



1'2 



This error of $108 85, added to the other error of $1,100, makes a total 
of $1,208 85 of errors in their statement, as shown by the invoice and by 
their own statement. 



Letter from B. B. Kercheval, Esq., to Messrs. Suydam, Jackson Co. 

New York, October 9, 1837. 
Gentlemen : Having been informed, when at Detroit, that a certificate 
in relation to the prices of certain goods famished by you to the United 
States for the Indians at Green Bay, had been forwarded to Washington, 
and having for many years been in the habit of purchasing large amounts 
of Indian goods of you, with which to furnish the United States, as well as 
the Indians themselves, I can say, to my own knowledge, that the style 
and quality of Indian goods furnished by you are equal to goods furnished 
by any other house. I have carefully examined the prices at which ihe 
goods were charged, as well as the invoice of the articles furnished, and 
have no hesitation in saying that the articles named are well adapted to 
the wants of the Indians, and the prices charged no higher than I have been 
in the habit of charging for goods furnished to the Indians, as well as to 
the Government, when goods of that description were much lower in New 
York than they are now, or have been during the present year. • 
I am. gentlemen, your obedient servant 

B. B. KERCH E"VAL. 

To Messrs. Suydam. Jackson, & Co., 

New York. 



Letter from John A, Drew, Esq., to Messrs. Suydam, Jackson, Co., 

dated 

New York, December 7, 1837. 

Gentlemen : Having been informed that a certificate in relation to the 
prices and quality of certain goods furnished by you to the United States 
for the Indians at Green Bay had been forwarded, to Washington, and 
having, for several years, been in the habit of purchasing large amounts of 
Indian goods of you, for furnishing the Indians at Mackinac, at which 
place I have, for many years, been selling to the Indians, 1 can say, to my 
own knowledge, that the style and quality of Indian goods furnished by 
you are equal to any furnished by other persons. 

I have carefully examined the prices at which the goods were charged, 
as well as the invoice of articles furnished, and have no hesitation in saying 
that the articles named are well adapted to the wants of the Indians, and 
the prices charged no higher than I have been in the habit of charging 
the Indians, when goods of that description were much lower in New York 
than they have been the present year. 

I beg leave to state finther, that I examined part of the goods sent to 
Mackinac by you for the United States, and assert that the quality was 
good, and the goods such as I have been in the habit of supplying the 
Indians with, and that I would wish no better goods. 



13 



[ i !)8 ] 



I also state that 1 have been informed there has been a report circulated 
that I had said the goods were infectious, or rather that they had the small 
pox in them, which kept the Indians fr^m receiving- them. 'Phis 1 posi- 
tively deny, as had I thought such was the case, I certainly would not have 
opened and examined part of the goods myself, nor allowed my son to 
assist therein. 

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, 

JOHN A. DREW, 

To Messrs, Suydam, Jackson & Co., 

Ato York, 



[ 198 J 



14 



TABLE showing a comparison between the prmes of the goods as stated 
by Messrs Stuart, Brush, and Fotttr y and as charged in the Indian 
trade in Indiana. 



KIND' OP ARTICLF.3. 



3| point blankets, per pair 
3 do. do. 
2£ do. do. 
2 do. do. 
H do. do. 
1 do f do. 
Wrappers do. 
Fine olue cloth, per yard 
Super do. do. - 
Grey list do. do. - 
Save list do. do. - 
Save list green do. - 
Save list, scarlet do. * 
Fine satin ett, do. - 
Common do. do. - 
Linseys do. - 

Scarlet flannel, do. - 
Super blueprints, do. - 
Fancy do. do. - 
f domestic plaids, do. - 
4-4 do. do. - 
Black silk handkerchiefs 
Cross barred do. 
Cotton flag do. 
6-4 cotton shawls 
6-4 do. 

8-4 do. /- - , - 
Assorted gartering, per gross - 
No. 3 Taffeta ribbon, per piece 
No. 4 do. do. 
No. 6 do. do. - 

No. 9 do. do. 
Cartouch and scalping knife - 
Jack-knives, per doZ. - 
Scissors, do. 
White and brown thread, per lb. 
Worsted yarn, do. 
Indian guns 
Powder, per lb. 
Gun flints, per 100 
Cast steel half axes 
Beads - 

Paper case looking glasses, per doz. 
Powder horns - 
Frying pans 

Chinese vermilion, per lb. 
Indian awls, per gross 
Gun worms, do. 
Worsted sashes 



Prices stated 
by Stuart and 
others. 



$H 50 
G 50 
5 00 
3 50 
2 75 

2 50 

3 00 

3 00 

4 00 
2 25 

1 75 

2 50 
1 75 
I 05 

50 

28 

371 

154 

20 

11 

1G 

374 

371 

m 
m 

75 
871 

3 50 
374 

m 

874 
1 37J 

in 

1 87^ 
1 874 
1 00 
1 50 

4 50 
22 
15* 



45 
50 



14 

1 75 

2 25 
1 50 

30 




$12 00 to 20 00. 
10 GO to 14 00. 
7 50 to 10 00. 

4 00. 



G 00 to 
5 00 to 
2 50 to 
2 00 to 
5 00 to 
2 50. 
1 50 to 
50 to 

50 to 
25 to 
50 to 
16f. 



7 00. 
9 00, 
3 00, 
3 00, 
6 00, 

2 00. 
75. 

75. 
50, 
1 00, 



50 to 1 50, 

25 to 50, & S'3 per doz 
1 00. 
1 00. 

1 50 to 3 00. 

1 25 to 2 00. 
1 50 to 2 50, 

5 00; 

25, and $3 per dozi 
3 00. 

3 00 to 12 00, 



50 to 1 00, & $12 per keg. 
40 to 50. 

2 00 to 3 00. 

Different kinds not discrimi* 
nated. 
1 00. 

3 00. 

3 75 to 7*50. 



15 [ 198 ] 

Letter from X W. Edmonds, Esq., United Slates Commissiojttr, to 
Messrs. Suydam, Jackson, Co., dated 

NVw York, December 29, 1837. 
Gentlemen : Enclosed you will receive a paper which will explain 
itself. 

Independent of an important mistake of $1,1 00 in the addition, 1 am 
convinced that the paper is otherwise exceptionable. 

I will, therefore, thank yon to inform me, as early as practicable, the 
wholesale marker, price in New York of the various articles named, at the 
time you made your contract with Government, together with the amount 
of expense to which yon were subjected for freight, insurance, &c. 

I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. VV. EDMONDS, 
U. S. Commissioner, Q m c< 

Messrs. SuItdam, Jackson, & Co. 5 

Merchants, $*c> 



Letter from Messrs. Suydam, Jackson, Co,, to J„ W. Edmonds, Esq^ 

dated 

New York, January 4, 1838. 
Dear Sir : In reply to yours of 29th ultimo, we hand yon the an- 
nexed statement of the cost of certain goods furnished the United States 
in July last. 

3 point super white Mackinac blankets, per pair $8 00 
21 do. do. do do* 6 00 

And other sizes in proportion. 
Fine blue cloths, per yard * - 3 75 

Super blue cloths, per yard - - - 4 75 

Grey list blue cloths, per yard - - - 2 25 a 2 50 

Save list blue cloth, per yard - - - 1 75 a 2 00 

Save list green cloths, per yard - ~ 3 00 

Save list scarlet cloths, per yard - 2 25 

Fine satinetts, per yard 1 12J a, 1 25 

Common satinetts, per yard * - * 62|- a 65 

Linseys, per yard * - ~ 35" 

Scarlet flannels, per yard - - - 40 a 42J 

Super blue prints, per yard - - - 16^ 

Fancy prints, per yard - - - - 20 "a 22 J 

The above comprises ihe leading articles furnished ; the remainder are 
charged in the same proportion. 

It will be recollected that, at the time the contract was made for supply* 
ing the goods, the market was nearly drained of woollens of every descrip* 
tion, and the assortment of other goods very indifferent. It would have 
been impossible for any other house, either in Boston, New York, Phila- 
delphia, or Baltimore, to have executed it. We were only able to do it 
by reason of having limited our sales of Indian goods in the spring to our 
regular customers, in consequence of the great embarrassment of the coun* 



[ 198 ] 



16 



try generally. The short time allowed for the delivery of the go<)ds, and 
the prompt manner in which it was done, added greatly to the expense, arid, 
in every instance, we believe, the day of delivery was anticipated by us. 

The amount of expenses for transportation, &c, on the goods for Green 
Bay, is as follows : 

Paid for transportation V> '* - $212 44 

For insurance - - ^ - - 164 92 

Proportion of expenses for agent. &c. - - - 125 00 



$502 36 

Should you require any further information from us, let us know, and 
we will cheerfully comply with your request. 

And are. dear sir, 

Your obedient servants, 

SUYDAM, JACKSON, & Co. 

f2jjjThe prices annexed, you will bear in mind, are the nett cost of impor- 
tation, for the British goods ; and for the domestic goods, are what we 
paid for them, 

S. J. & Co. 



No. 5, 

Office Disb. Agency, Indian Department, 

&% Louis, Sept. 29, 1837* 

Sir : Although my opinion may not add to the force of (he considerations 
in favor of furnishing goods to the Indians in place of money in the pay- 
ment of annuities, yet my persuasions are so strong on that side, that I 
cannot help recommending that measures be taken to secure to the Govern- 
ment an option in the matter, by inducing the tribes having claims for 
annuities to concede to the Government that option. 

It is impossible that traders, who are obliged to have agents, clerks, and 
store houses ; who must often wait a long time for returns, and, above all, 
must provide for losses on bad debts- — -it is impossible, I say, that these 
people can furnish to the Indians, in goods, anything like a fair equivalent 
for their money. 

The Gover iment, with very little additional expense, can furnish the 
full amount ; can exert a salutary influence upon the habits and tastes of 
the Indians, in the kind of goods thrown among them, and can provide 
them a practical test of the value of what they use, that may serve to 
control the traders, and bring an odium upon their exactions. 

It may be urged against the scheme, that the agents of the Government 
would be dishonest. The answer is ready, that this could only happen in 
single cases, for which there would be an immediate remedy ; while in the 
present system, the traders, as a whole body, have a direct interest in cheat- 
in° the Indians, and> in the name of trade, can systematize their operations, 
and almost legalize their extortions* 

In establishing a different system, it might be necessary to have store 
houses at the agencies, or some of them, with an allowance for a few clerks, 



17 



[ 198 ] 



one clerk at each principal agency, and the goods could be distributed 
according to the wants of the Indians, and the change of seasons. 
I have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

E. A. HITCHCOCK, 

Capt. y M. D. Agent. 

To C. A. Harris, Esq., 

Commissioner Indian Affairs. 



No. 6. 

Washington, December 6, 1837. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communica- 
tion of the 14th November, and respectfully submit the following : To one 
who is acquainted with the Indian character, and nature of the Indian 
tradtydie questions contained in your communication appear to strike for- 
cibly on his mind, and after giving them due consideration, he can answer 
them only in one way, if he is a candid man and intends to perform his 
duty independent of men and circumstances. It is certainly ihe interest" 
of every person engaged in the fur trade, that the annuities due the Indians 
should be paid in money, inasmuch as the trader himself ultimately recei ves 
the cash, in payment for goods sold to the Indians at.an extravagant price. f 
It is the interest, also, of this trader to lessen the value of money in thees-j 
timation of the Indians, and induce them to believe it is far below it's reaj 
worth. This leads the Indians to believe the Government have cheated 
them in the purchase of their lands, or for what other consideration they 
may have been entitled to annuities. 

The influence of this description of white men is exercised over the In- 
dians ; and they are advised to demand cash in payment of their annuities, 
when the Indians, if left to their own choice, would certainly prefer the 
goods, if well selected. 

Would the ignorant Indians, who know nothing of the value and impor- 
tance of money, demand of the Government the payment in cash, unless a 
powerful influence had been exercised over them by the traders ? It is the 
interest of those persons prosecuting the fur trade to prevent, if they can, 
the introduction of goods into the Indian country, that they may be better 
enabled to keep up their own influence with the Indians, and dispose of 
their stock of goods to a greater advantage. Could the Indians be advised 
to a measure so pernicious in its effects, so opposed to their own comforts, 
their own wants, unless by some one in whom they reposed the utmost con- 
fidenceyrfay, one whom they are afraid to displease 1 Who are the Indian 
traders, and in what relation do they stand with the Indians ? I will here 
use the Indian's own language : " He holds in one hand the powder, and in 
the other the balls." He can withhold munitions of war from one tribe, 
and give it to another ; he can declare war and negotiate peace between 
the tribes, indirectly, if not directly. I ask, has it not been practised ? Does 
not their present deplorable condition, their diminished numbers, vouch for 
such undue influence having been wielded against the various tribes 7 
Have not almost every tribe of Indians feared the frown of the trader, and 
2 



[ 198 ] 



IS 



felt his influence both for and against them ? Look at the tradition of al- 
most every tribe ; have not the fur traders had a most wonderful command 
over them ? Do you not think they could induce some of the Indians to 
sign a treaty (of peace or purchase) between them and the United States, 
Or not to sign it ? and would not their advice have its due weight on such 
occasions? 

What have driven the Chyennes from the prairies north of the Missouri 
river, where they were once the " lords of the soil," to the confines of New 
Mexico, where they now rove 1 It was the British traders, withholding 
the means of warfare irorn them, and giving it to other tribes, whose trade 
f was of more importance. The Arickarees, the Sioux, the Crows, the 
I Blackteet, and several other tribes, have records of this fact in the rude 
traditions of their tribes, not recorded on paper, but stamped on their mem- 
ory in characters of blood. 

How did the British exercise their control over the Indians during the 



(in many cases) to carry into effect the objects and intentions of the British 
Government? Were not some of the traders appointed to high and respon- 
sible stations on account of their supposed influence over the Indians? I 
ask if the house of the trader is not a theatre of political discussion ? Do 
not the chiefs and braves assemble there ? Is it not a senate in miniature? 
Does not each chief there speak of war and of peace, and does not the tra- 
der give his opinion ? and when they become excited and elevated by am- 
bition and avarice, does not the generosity of the trader have a powerful 
effect in the way of presents ? 

Indians are governed by fear and avarice. The trader is aware of this, 
and acts accordingly. He has the goods in his hands which are the wealth 
of the country, and this wealth gives him power. 

Does not every civilized nation on earth have its importation, exporta- 
tion, non-intercourse laws, and its embargoes ? And is net this all concen- 
trated in the hands of the trader, who, to suit his own interest, exercises it 
without regard, and often without reflection? And it affects the poor, help- 
less, ignorant " red skin," in the same manner it would the crowned heads 
of Europe, could the trader direct it against them. 

It must appear manifest to every one personally acquainted with Indian 
affairs, their trade, habits, resources, and nature of their country, that the 
Department of War could use this means as an agent little inferior to actu- 
al force. When they know the department stands ready to chastise them 
for a violation of the solemn obligation of a treaty, can cut off their means 
of warfare, their comforts, and even their necessary supplies, and that he 
will adopt this policy combined with his other advantages, at once induces 
them, through inteiest and fear, to avoid an evil the consequences of which 
they cannot withstand. 

The preceding, on the subject of the payments of annuities, exhibits so 
clearly in my opinion the " expediency of abolishing the present system of 
trade with Indian tribes," that I deem it superfluous to say anything on 
the subject of the second question. 

In reference to the third paragraph of your communication, and the 
postscript, it would require some time to enter into the details of explana- 
tion, and I hope you will extend me your indulgence when I only give you 
the outlines of my opinion relative to a subject so peculiarly important, the 
objects and intentions of which would be to lessen the influence of individ- 




Were they not the instruments 



19 



[ 198 1 



nah over the tribes and add it to the General Government, as well as to ex- 
tend to the Indians our liberal and humane assistance. \^ 

The trade should be conducted exclusively by the public agents. Toe! f 
feet this, the goods should be furnished the agent on an invoice or estimate 
made out by him. having due regard to the particular tribe for which they 
are intended, and selected by one who is well acquainted with the quality 
and price of Indian goods, in order to prevent the impositions that would in 
some instances be practised on the Government. 

Store-houses should be erected at each agency, and the trade be conduct- 
ed under the exclusive direction of the agent, who should be required to 
remain at his station. 

He should have power to cut off the trade with any tribe or tribes he may 
deem proper, making a special and immediate report of the cause and con- 
necting circumstances to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

Advances should be put on the goods to defray the cost and expenses 
thereon, and no more. One clerk and two laborers would be necessary at 
tiach house. 

The Indians should be encouraged in agricultural employments by pur- 
chasing all kinds of country produce from them, as corn, beans, hay, beef, 
pork, &c, whenever such articles could be disposed of, or converted to the 
public use. 

Premiums should be allowed to the Indian of each tribe, who raised the 
most corn, hogs, sheep/cattle, horses, &c, to the Indian who fabricated the 
most and best cloth, blankets, or other domestic goods, for the best mechani- 
cal production, and/for literary acquirements. 

] Have the limits of each tribe designated, and confine them to it, as tho 

i best means to perpetuate peace among themselves. 

Whenever an Indian manifests a disposition to turn his attention to the 
pursuits of husbandry, he should have his land separately and permanently 
secured to him and his heirs in "fee simple," but not transferable to any 
one except to a member of his own tribe. This would explain the right 
of property, the necessity of laws, and the advantage of that happiness 
and independence which is the invariable companion of domestic industry. 

When it is apparent he duly appreciates such salutary benefits, the Gen- 
eral Government should extend to him the aid of laws under a simple 
and wholesome form, calculated to promote his future welfare, protect 
his person and property, and lead him on with security until he is capa- 
ble of acting for himself, after which give him a voice in the councils of 
our nation. 

Recall all trappers, hunters, and other straggling white men, in the Rocky 
mountains and Indian country generally, as it is the only measure calculat- 
ed to put an entire stop to the partizan warfare now existing in that region 
of country, between them and the various tribes. 

Discourage^ much as practicable, consistent with the wants of the In- 
dians, all trade for buffalo robes ; confine the trade to skins of small ani- 
mals, and the productions of the soil, leaving the large game for the sub- 
sistence of more remote tribes, thereby preserving it, which will otherwise 
speedily become extinct ; the consequences of which would throw the less 
civilized Indians, who are entirely ignorant of the art of agriculture, on the 
generosity and humanity of the General Government. 

As the tribes immediately on our frontier become efficient cultivators of 
the soil, productive of so many advantages 3 the art would in time extend 



I 

[ 198 ] '20 

and be imparted to their neighbors, and place them beyond tie reach of thut 
precarious means o r subsistence attendant on the hunter's life. 

It is self evident that the proposed plan, or a similar one, wouid be most 
likely to aid that " liberal justice and proper discharge of the obligations of 
Government," so much desired towards this unfortunate race of people, and 
I have no doubt that, in the end, it would be most economical : because it 
would enable the Indians to procure a competent living for themselves, who 
would otherwise be thrown on the generosity of the General Government, 
in the capacity of so many helpless and indigent beings. 

To enable the War Department to carry into effective operation the 
foregoing plan, to protect our own citizens and insure tranquillity among 
the different tribes, a line of military posts should be established imme- 
diately on our frontier, between the whites and Indians, from the northern 
lakes to the Sabine river, and a superintendent located at some suitable .; 
point within the Indian territory, who should have the general supervis- 
ion over the "Indian affairs" in that district of country, nor should the 
military have any control over the Indians, except to chastise them when it 
may become necessary. 

A weekly or semi-weekly mail should be kept up between the different 
posts to facilitate military operations, and communicate information relative 
•to Indians and whites. 

1 have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. DOUGHERTY, 

Indian Agent 

Hon. C. Ao Harris, 

Commissioner Indian Affairs, 



No, r. 

St. Louis, December 26 1837, 
Sir : In the hope that the reasons assigned in my letter of the 24th 
ultimo, for not having complied with your instructions of the 30th October, 
before I left Philadelphia, will have been satisfactory, I will now reply, as 
briefly as the subject will admit, to the several queries embraced in your 
letter of that date. 

First. As to the policy of paying the Indian tribes their annuities alto- 
gether in goods. 

In answer to this inquiry, I am to state, that it has always been my 
opinion that they should be paid in merchandise suited to their condition 
and habits, and nothing else ; and that the general welfare of nearly all the 
tribes who receive annuities, requires indispensably the adoption of this 
measure ; and to the end that an object, pregnant with so many advantages 
to the Indians, and so well calculated to increase the influence of the Gov- 
ernment among them, may be ^attained, the agents and other officers 
charged with the management of their business should be required to exert 
all their influence to obtain a relinquishment of the privileges guarantied 
to the Indians by most of the existing treaties, to choose between money 
and merchandise. It cannot be expected that this discretion will be exer- 



2\ 



[ 198 ] 



cised with judgment, or result in any general benefit to the Indians ; and 
it appears to me that nothing would be more easy than for the agents 
charged with the superintendence of the different Indian tribes, to demon- 
strate to their satisfaction the a^y&iitages resulting from payments in 
merchandise or provisions, instead of money. For although unacquainted 
with the value of the X&tte}, they understand perfectly the use of numbers ; 
and it would seem that nothing but a judicious explanation of these would 
be required, to convince them of the disadvantages resulting from payments 
in money. v /ln these remarks I allude to the whole tribe, not to the few 
pampered chiefs and headmen, whose interest it is to engross and appro- 
priate to their individual use as much of the funds as possible ; upon them 
all reasoning would be wasted. 

The most intelligent among these northwestern tribes (I should perhaps 
except the^mawnees) have, but a very imperfect knowledge of the value 
of money, and are still less disposed to make a proper use of it ; while the 
mass of the nation is wholly ignorant of its value and use, and are, con- 
sequently, exposed to the impositions of every one who may be disposed to 
take advantage of their ignorance and habits ^of intoxication. It is, how- 
ever, but a small portion of the funds that fgLjJ^to their lot. The payments, 
so far as my personal knowledge extends, are generally made to a few of 
the chiefs and headmen, who, with all their apparent solicitude for their 
people, seldom fail to take care of themselves first, and appropriate to their 
own use, and that of their immediate supporters and friends, a very libera! 
portion of the money. In a word, they dispose of it as they please ; and it 
is in most cases applied to the gratification of their own vicious habits, and 
10 the pampering of a few " chiefs and heaimen," to the exclusion of the 
great body of the tribe. The payments, when made in goods, hold out no 
Inducements for such indulgences, and entirely defeat the purposes of those 
who are disposed to take advantage of their ignorance and other vices. 
Whether the distribution be made by the officer making the payment, or 
the chiefs themselves, it must be general, and the wants of every individual 
.are supplied in proportion to the gross amount paid. In answer to this, it 
may be said that many of the tribes receive an amount far above what is 
necessary to supply their immediate wants at any one period, and, conse- 
quently, will squander and waste the surplus before the time of its useful- 
ness arrives. In answer to this, I would ask how much sooner would this 
surplus be wasted, if it consisted of money, and how many more induce- 
ments would be held out to them to part with it? In the mind of every in- 
dividual at all acquainted with the subject, these questions must put such 
an objection to rest. But in order to insure to the tribes thus situated the 
entire benefits contemplated by the Government. I would suggest, that were 
the annuity is found to be more than sufficient to supply the wants of the 
tribes at any one season, to let the payments be made by instalments, based 
upon the advice and information of the agent, who is, or certainly ought to 
be, a competent judge of the amount necessary to supply the wants of his 
tribe for any given period. The mode of making these payments is, at 
present, easy and simple ; and I see no necessity for changing it, otherwise 
than to make it the duty of the agent to make the payment, instead of the 
officer of the army. In taking this duty out of the hands of the agents, the 
department has degraded* them in the estimation of those they are appoint- 
ed to govern, (I say govern, for he who is incapable of governing his In- 
dians is, to a certain extent, unworthy of his place,) and deprived them of 



[ 198] 



22 



the principal means of influencing the conduct and action of the Indians 
assigned to them. In the event of such a change, their pay-rolls, as a mat- 
ter of course, should be attested by respectable witnesses. These payments, 
under the present system," are generally made at what are most erroneously 
called agencies, (for I know of no establishment within the St. Louis 
superintendency that deserves the name ;) these are the proper places. W hers 
the amounts are so limited as to make it necessary to deliver the whole 
at once, let it be delivered, and the transactions of the year closed, so far as 
respects annuities ; and when made semi-annually or quarterly, the payment 
should be conducted in the same manner, otherwise than to express in the 
receipts what portion of the annuity was delivered, either one-half or one- 
fourth, as the case might be. To carry out such a measure, the agents ? 
when stationed at military posts, should be furnished with quarters — per- 
manently with quarters — while the public storehouses, always necessary at 
garrisons, would afford a place of security for the goods, when circum- 
stances made it necessary to keep them for a short time on hand. And 
when the agents are not stationed at military posts, quarters and other 
buildings must appear still more necessary. Among these would necessa- 
rily be a lumber room or warehouse, where goods under the like circum- 
stances could be kept in safety until delivered. The only obstacle to this 
system, that presents itself to my mind, is, the privilege granted to Indians 
of demanding and receiving money. Not one dollar of additional expense 
need result from it ; and deeply impressed as I am with the good disposi- 
tion of the Government towards the Indians, and its desire to promote their 
welfare, I am constrained to recommend-Nthe most decisive and energetic 
measures for abolishing the system of (cash) payments, convinced as I am 
that it would put an end to an influence "^6 much complained of, result in 
eminent advantages to the Indians, and greatly strengthen the power and 
influence of those intrusted with their management and control. 

The goods for this purpose should be purchased wherever experience 
shall have shown they can be obtained cheapest, having a due regard to 
assortment and quality. The person selecting them should be well ac- 
quainted with the kind of goods in general use among the Indians. 

Your second query touches a subject of great delicacy and importance; 
striking, as it does, at a branch of commerce which has always been con- 
sidered of great importance to this country. And fully and intimntely ac- 
quainted as I am with the sublet of trade and intercourse with all the In- 
dian tribes from Lake Michigan to the mouth of the Columbia, and from 
the Camanchees of South Colorado to the Assineboins of the Salskatchuwan^ 
I feel no embarrassment in answering your query. And after the most 
mature consideration, I have to inform you that it admits of no change 
(however some abuses may exist) that would be likely to facilitate the wise 
policy of the Government in removing the Indians to our western borders. 
To abolish it altogether would, in my opinion, be bad policy; incompatible 
with the strict principles of justice, (the constitutional power of Congress to 
the contrary notwithstanding,) be attended with enormous expenses to the 
Government, whhout enhancing its influence among the Indians, or result 
in any substantial bprfefit to them whatever. I take it for granted that the 
prohibition of trade on the part of individuals or companies would have 
for its object the establishment of the factor?/ system. Much has been said 
on this subject, but I have found no one to undertake the details of the plan s 
estimate the expense, or calculate the results. An attempt fully to develop 



I 



23 



C 198 J 



this subject, would carry me far beyond the limits prescribed to myself in 
answering your interrogatory ; and as lam not disposed to waste either your 
own time or mine with reasons against a plan which has no existence, I 
will cut the matter short by the assurance that the Government cannot ef-f 
feet -such an object among the remote tribes, or destroy entirely a commerce j 
to establish which has cost the lives of a thousand of its citizens and mil- 
lions of their capital; and as it has been established exclusively by individual 
enterprise, without any aid from the Government, it would seem, as I before 
remaned, incompatible with the strict principles of justice to attempt to de- 
prive them of its benefits. If the query is applicable only to our border 
tribes, the objection to abolishing the trade will apply with equal force, and 
any attempt to prevent it by establishments under the direction of Govern- 
ment be altogether unavailing. The cordon of military posts and the mili- 
tary road proposed to be established along our frontier, from the Sabine to 
Lake Superior, are looked to as the means of ending forever all intercourse f 
between our citizens and the Indians. No such results, however, are to flow 
from them; and candor admonishes me to say, that the adoption of this great 
and necessary measure should be supported for the true reasons that re- 
quire it, and no others : those are, the protection of the Indians in the 
country assigned them, and the protection of our frontier inhabitants against 
any hostile movement on the part of the Indians. 

These I hold to be the two great reasons in favor of the measure, and 
they carry with them too much force to leave a doubt in my mind respect- 
ing its success. 

It now occurs/to me that I have seen somewhere the outline of this 
newly proposed system, which I will assume as being applicable only to 
the border tribes, and endeavor to show that no ^ood can result from so 
much of it as relates to the establishment of trading houses. It is proposed, 
first, to establish a cordon of military posts, and a communication by means 
of a road. This is good and indispensable. Nature has made the road, 
and nothing but the fortifications and troops to man them are necessary to 
afford complete protection to our frontier settlers, and shield the Indians 
from all encroachments, both from the whites and remote tribes. The 
troops are to be kept in constant motion upon this road, "moving to and 
fro," and are to take up every straggling while man they meet, as well a* 
every Indian that attempts to cross the road, and thus effectually cut off all 
intercourse. This chimerical scheme has been agitated now for four years ; 
and as I believe it has assumed a tangible shape, I feel called upon by the 
nature of your query to expose its deformity: These posts must be estab- 
lished in the Indian country. The road must pass through the Indian 
territory, leaving the great mass of Indians in most places between it and 
our settlements. There is not, nor can there be, any barrier between them, 
other than the boundary line drawn by a compass on the Missouri river. 
The whites are on one side and the Indians on the other, and I cannot be- 
lieve there lives a man so credulous as to think it practicable to prevent an 
extensive and constant intercourse, by the means proposed, or any other, 
unless it were by posting a chain of sentinels at hailing distance along the 
whole line of the frontier from the Sabine to the shores of Lake Superior. 
The advocates o^ the new system of trade propose the expulsion of all the 
traders from the f idjan country and the establishment by the Government 
of store-houses, (i will call thern factories.) to which the Indians may come, 
and, if I understand the advocates of the plan, receive their annuities in 



[198] 



24 



detail, according to the necessities (or caprices I will say) of the different 
individuals; and where they can be furnished with goods at cost and 
charges, by the Government, and find a market for their surplus produce 
for the supply of the military posts.^. 'Against this system would be im- 
mediately arrayed every regular trader now established under licences 
from the Government. They would establish their posts along the frontier, 
just within the limits of the State, bid defiance to your intercourse law, and 
despise that which, under existing regulations, they can be made to respect, 
to a certain extent ; and the expenses of keeping up your factories would 
enable them to undersell the Government, and make some profit, provided 
the Indians continue to have any commodity for barter, and thus your es- 
tablishments would fall into disrepute among them, without contributing 
anything to their benefit. 

Instead of establishing this market for their surplus produce for the sup- 
ply of oar military posts. I would recommend, as much more congenial to 
their condition and habits, that there be deposited at each of these military 
posts a small quantity of corn and a few good blankets, furnished at the 
expense of the Government, and to be issued upon the representation or 
requisition of the agents^ or at the discretion of the commanding officers, 
when circumstances seem to require it. By such an act of generosity on 
the part of the Government, hundreds of Indians would be relieved from 
extreme hunger, protected against the chilling blast, and the Government 
and all its officers charged with the management of Indians will be looked 
up to with gratitude as protectors and benefactors. And instead of wasting 
enormous sums of money for the erection of factories and the support of 
factors, sub-factors, interpreters, and laborers, in carrying out a system from 
which no good results would flow, a small portion of the funds lequired for 
it, judiciously applied in the manner suggested, would produce . =jal and 
substantial benefits, and, instead of bringing the Government into contempt, 
(for such will always be the result of any system of trade it may undertake 
with the Indians,) it would engender a feeling of gratitude, confidence, and 
respect, and relieve, in many cases, the most bitter suffering. 

These, sir, are my views upon the subject of your queries. To carry 
them into effect requires that the Indian agents should reside at their posts 
as required. 

Heretofore it has not been possible for them to fulfil these requirements, 
for want of the means ; and it is but lately they have been called upon for 
estimates for means to erect the necessary buildings. And it occurs to me 
that sub-agencies should be abolished ; and wherever one exists whose 
duties can be performed by the adjoining agent, that they should be trans- 
ferred to such agent ; and where one is found necessary, that his pay 
should be increased to that of an agent. By this means, the duties and pay 
would be equalized, without, perhaps, any increase of the expenses of the 
department. The most scrupulous attention should be paid by the agents 
to a judicious application of all the means furnished, either by the bounty 
of the Government or under treaty stipulations for the benefit of the Indians. 
If the intercourse law of 1834 is insufficient to answer the purposes con- 
templated, let it be amended, and the agents should be clothed with power 
to execute it in a very summary manner. 

So closely allied must be the duties of Indian agents with those of mili- 
tary officers commanding frontier posts, that they should, in my opinion, co- 
operate ou all occasions requiring it, and where such co-operation would 



25 



[ 198] 



not be incompatible with two distinct departments. The country must 
necessarily be under military authority, even in time of peace ; and an 
agent may find it necessary to call to his aid the military in executing the 
law ; for he could apply nowhere else in case of resistance. And, on the 
other hand, in case of any hostile movement on the part of the Indians, 
his knowledge of the topography of the country, the character and influ- 
ence of particular Indians, and others who reside among them, and of the 
general feeling and disposition of the tribe, may render the agent eminently 
useful to an officer under such circumstances. If I be correct in this view 
ot the subject, such co-operation would seem to be almost indispensable, 
which it appears to me can exist without any conflict between them in the 
discharge of the legitimate duties of either. 

I am perhaps making suggestions not called for by your queries, but the 
efforts making to effect a great revolution in a system not fairly tried, must 
plead my apology for the exercise of such a privilege, and will, I hope, 
justify the gratuity. It is my firm conviction, that if the measures pro- 
posed were carried into effect, the ^dbuses so much complained of would 
hoon cease to exist ; regular traders would soon withdraw their establish- 
ments from the border tribes, for the reason that furs and peltries have 
almost disappeared ; there would be no money to induce a continuance, 
and traffic would continue to exist only among a few individuals upon the 
frontier, who would soon be expelled by the more respectable and intelli- 
gent part of the community, unwilling as they will be to submit to the 
inconvenience arising from it. If not, so much the worse for the Indians. 
As respects a prohibition of intercourse between them and the whites, 
I will repeat, that it is not only impracticable, but utterly impossible, and 
that all the plans suggested for its accomplishment are wild and chime- 
rical. 

A request from another quarter induces me to make this communication 
the means of fulfilling it, and to that end I will make a few remarks 
respecting the unprotected state of the frontier, and the cordon of military 
posts proposed to be established, as well for the protection of our own 
citizens, as that of the emigrating Indians, in doing this it is not neces- 
sary to wander into the wilds of the Rocky mountains, and enumerate an 
hundred tribes and bands, from whom, in candor I must say, we have 
nothing to apprehend, but need only call your attention to the vast extent 
of frontier/from Fort Gibson, on the Arkansas, to Fort Snelling, on the 
St. Peter's, a distance of eight hundred miles at least, and to the fact that 
for its,- protection we have only a few dragoons, at Cantonment Leaven- 
worth, without any work of defence whatever. Along this whole line of 
frontier, are located numerous tribes of restless Indians — I will not use a 
common phrase and say, within striking distance of the frontier — but 
actually within shooting distance of every man's door. It would be use- 
less to mention the name, number, and local position, of each tribe. The 
subject is well understood by you. This state of things cannot exist long. 
Our exposed situation will invite aggression by some one of the tribes, and 
the example of one may he followed by others, perhaps by all. It is the natural 
disposition of savages to take advantage of weak and exposed situations. 
Let such an event happen to-morrow, and what would be the situation 
of this vast frontier? The events of the late and existing Indian wars 
furnish an appalling answer. The inhabitants of the frontier have a right 
to expect protection. They look for it with confidence, and it is hoped 



I 

[ 198 ] 26 

they will not look in vain. Besides this, the emigrating Indians have ; 
claims equally strong. 

It perhaps does not become me to say anything in relation to the points 
at which the fortifications proposed should be located, as there are now 
officers of the proper department occupied in surveying and examining the 
frontier, with a view to the selection of the proper positions. I will, how* | 
ever, venture to suggest, that they should all be constructed with an eye to 
permanency and durability, with the exception of that proposed on the 
.waters of the Des Moines, between Council Bluffs and Fort Snelling ; that j 
should be temporary, as it must soon be embraced by the new State to be 
organized north of the State of Missouri, embracing all the country between 
the two rivers, as high, at least, as latitude 43. Whenever the limits of 
that State are defined, it will then be necessary to establish another perma- 
nent wor^on the Missouri, about one hundred and sixty miles above the 
river Platte, and thus will be completed the entire chain of defence, and a 
tier of States west of the Mississippi from the Gulf of Mexico to the St. 
Peter's. To accelerate this event, the earliest opportunity should be em- 
braced to remove the Sacs, Foxes, and Winnebagoes from that country to 
their place of destination, south of the Missouri river, where the great ex- 
periment for their permanent improvement may commence, and intrusion 
cease. The political reasons in support of this measure are of a charac- 
ter highly imposing, and should not be overlooked. The set lements of the 
Hudson's Bay Company, on North Red river, are daily gaining strength and 
influence ; and, however we may hope, it cannot be expected that we shall 
always maintain our present relations with England. The communica- 
tion between those Indians and the Red river colony is practicable and 
easy, and the distance inconsiderable ; and in case of a rupture between 
the United States and England, what would be the consequence of the 
present local position of those Indians, our most active and inveterate ene- 
mies during the last war ? The history of that war affords an answer. A 
position south of the Missouri, and the military posts suggested, would place 
them beyond the reach of foreign influence, and afford a permanent home, j 
equally congenial to their habits, and our northern frontier would be left 
quiet and safe, under the worst of circumstances. 
Very respectfully, sir, 

I have the honor to be, 

Your very obedient and humble servant, 

JOSHUA PILCHER. 

Hon. C. A. Harris, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 



No. 8. 

Report of J. W. Edmonds, United States commissioner, upon the dis- 
turbance at the Potawatamie payment, September, 1836. 

New York, December 2, 1837. 
Sir : By your letter of instructions to me of the 20th April last, I was 
directed to inquire into the cause and origin of the difficulty which occur^/ 
rec^U the payment of the annuity to the Potawatamie Indians, in September;, 
(ISSGjjand its results ; and particularly whether the officers connected with 



27 



[ 198 ] 



your department had properly discharged their duty in the matter ; and 
whether there was" sufficient cause for calling out the troops. 

Pursuant to these instructions, on my arrival at Lf gansport, Indiana, in 
May last I entered on the duty committed to me, by informing Colonel 
Pepper of their nature, and submitting to his examination the papers 
which 'you had transmitted to me. 

I gavetp General Grover a copy of the communication of the chiefs, in 
which he was implicated. 

] appointed the 13th of June as the day on which the investigation 
should commence, and gave public notice thereof in the newspaper, in 
which all persons conversant of the transaction were requested to give me 
all the information in their power. 

I requested the assistance of T. A. Howard, Esq., attorney for the United 
States for that^rlstiict, which was promptly and efficiently rendered. 

The chiefs of the tribe were notified, and requested to attend. 

A list of witnesses was prepared by General Howard, a nd^T caused them 
to be summoned ; and I announced that all persons implicated might appear 
before me, either in person or by their counsel, and examine and cross- 
examine the witnesses, and have such sworn on their part as they might 
deem expedient. 

On the appointed day, I proceeded in the investigation. 

Mr. Howard attended as counsel on the part of the investigation, and 
Messrs. S. S Tipton, Cowdrey, and Dunn appeared as counsel for different 
persons implicated. y 

Some doubts having been suggested to me as the genuineness of the 
communication from the chiefs to the President. I commenced by first ex- 
amining those of its signers who were present. Po-ka gos and No-taw-ka 
denied that they signed the letter; We-wiss ah signed at, because he was 
urged to do so by Ke-wa-na and Mes-wa-ky, and those two said they 
signed it because t^e others did. They said it was written by Colonel 
George W. Ewing, and interpreted to them by them Joseph Barron, the 
Government interpreter. 

I then read the paper to them, paragraph by paragraph, and caused it to 
be interpreted to them by Luther Rice, whom I employed for that purpose, 
and who approved himself to be a capable and intelligent interpreter. 

As each part was interpreted to the chiefs, I inquired of them whether 
they had said,. or intended to say, as was written. 

The particulars of this examination, and the answers of the chiefs, will 
appear on pages 7 to 13 inclusive, of the record of my proceedings here- 
with submitted. They disavowed some paj?ts of the paper — those particu- 
larly which were calculated to be offensive to persons -whose names were 
mentioned; but. in the main they admitted that it Correcthhset forth that 
which they had intended to say, and that their objectlrrtd-been to tell the 
President what had occurred at the payment, and to "ask him to send one 
of his wise men to inquire into it." 

I then proceeded to take the testimony of witnesses, called by any of the. 
parties. The testimony was taken publicly, and after being written down ? 
was read over to the witnesses i i public, corrected by them if they desired 
it, and then signed* All the testimony thus received is herewith submitted, 
and will be found on pasres 14 to 94 inclusive, of the record of my pro- 
ceedings. Various documents are also herewith submitted, either separately, 



[ 198 ] 



or as forming a part of that record, to which I shall have occasion hereafter 
to refer more particularly. 

From these sources I draw the following conclusions, and in doing so, 
shall pursue the course indicated by General Howard, in his frograwme, 
which is hereto annexed. 

1st. " The difficulty at the payment^ embracing the riot, or mob. with 
the attendant circumstances? 

Before the payment of the annuity to thejndians, the chiefs had deter- 
mined that the money should be paid to them, and some of them had re- 
quested Messrs. George W. Ewing and Cyrus Taber to assist them in 
counting and dividing it among themselves", and in paying their debts. 
After the payment to the chiefs, they and Messrs. Ewing and Taber, Joseph 
Barron, and some of the guard, (which the disbursing officers had employ- 
ed,) were assembled on the payment ground, with the money .before them 
in a shanty, which had been used as the council house. In <j83j^ the In- 
dians had adjustecLthe debts they then owed, and had promised to pay a 
part of them in 1836. The paper showing the amounts thus to be paid 
was in the hands of Colonel Pepper, who stood at the door of the council 
house, and called over the names on it. The persons thus called went into 
the building, and received their money. In this manner the sum of 
$5,142 was paid to sundry claimants. 

After those sums were paid, Col, Pepper retired ; and Messrs. Ewing and 
Taber, in the presence of the chiefs, proceeded to make farther payments 
on claims against the Indians. They thus paid the following additional sums, 
viz: Luther Rice, $200; Brewyett. $75 ; Joseph Barron, $8,000 ; Ewing, 
Walker, & Co., (a firm consisting of G. W. Ewing, W. G. Ewing, and G. 
B. Walker,) $16,000; A. Hamilton and Cyrus Taber, $8,000 ; E. V. Cicott, 
$2,493, and Peter Barron, $618. The firms of Ewing, Walker, & Co., and 
Hamilton Taber, were the largest claimants. The money of Ewinf~ 
Walker, & Co. was put aside in the council house, that of Hamilton & C*| 
was carried to Tabers quarters, and that of Barron to his quarters. 

Before these payments commenced, a good deal of dissatisfaction wf| 
expressed by the other claimants at the selection of Messrs. Ewing an* 
Taber to distribute the money. They were apprehensive that they wouf 
not v receive their share, and the dissatisfaction was greatly increased by th* 
payment of such large sums in the three instances named. 

The first appearance of any violence, however, grew out of a persona 
altercation between Wm. G. Ewing and Alexander Coquillard; the forme 
being a large claimant, and the latter avowing that he was no claimam 
but was a friend of the Indians, and determined that they should not b 
cheated. Prior to and during this quarrel, Gen. Grover and some othe 
claimants entered the council house, peaceably, and endeavored to hav« 
the payment of claims stopped until all should be presented and investigate^ 
or adjusted, but without success. Francis Comparet was one who rnadf 
such an effort. Failing of success, he was vehement in his remonstrances 
and was turned out of the council house by the guard. "Mr. Compare^ 
made considerable noise," which added to the excitement. Mr. Eldridge 
(former sheriff of Cass county, Indiana) ran up to Mr. Coquillard and sail 
something to him, which none of the witnesses seemed to have heard, an< 
then those two persons rushed towards the council house, accompanied b 



29 



[ IM ] 



& large crowd, some crying out — " Pull down the house," others saying, 
« No, No." 

The guard were stationed in front of the house; but the crowd, although, 
powerful enough to have borne down all their opposition, made no attempt 
to force themselves in. * They hurried to the back of the building, and 
Coquillard attempted to get on its roof. Pierre Andre, /the captain of the 
guard, pushed him off. In falling, he seized the butting pole of the house 
to save himself, but it fell with him. Andre threatened to blow out his 
brains if he repeated the attempt. He then went to Barron's house, which 
was close by, clambered on its roof, and made a speech in the French, 
English, and Indian languages. The crowd consisted of some 300 or 400 
whites, and about as many Indians. Coquil lard's speech is described as 
being inflammatory, and as having been interrupted by frequent exclama- 
tions of applause; and there was a general shout of assent at its termina- 
tion. 

It was urged to me that his object in getting on to the council house 
was to aid in, or effect its demolition; but the testimony is satisfactory that 
he was only desirous to obtain a conspicuous place from which to address 
the crowd. I am also satisfied there was no attempt to tear down the 
house; the butting pole was thrown down by accident, and the clapboards 
or peices that had been nailed over the crevices between the logs were 
torn off in order to enable people to see what was going on inside. The 
cry of" tear down the house" may have been intended as a feint to intimi- 
date its inmates, or it may have truly expressed the feeling of some of the 
crowd. If the destruction of the house had been intended, it could easily 
have been done, for the power was with the crowd, and there was no force 
sufficient to stay them. / 

It was also urged that Coquillard, in his speech, endeavored to excite 
the Indians to acts of violence, and to kilr the chiefs who had signed 
the treaty; and had attempted to alienate their affections from our Govern- 
ment by accusing the President and his officers of lying to them, and 
■■•.heating ^them out of their lands. Upon this subject the testimony is 
;ontradictory. This view of it is supported by Col. Ewing, who says he 
nade a memorandum of the speech at the time, and therefore is less likely 
:o err in giving now the impressions which it then made upon him. 
Several other witnesses, however, in relating Coquillard's speech, do not 
agi>e/f in the „r?tatement that he abused the President or excited the Indians 
to kill the eiiefl who had signed the treaty. It is, however, evident that 
he made his speech under great excitement, having come fresh from a 
violent quarrel with one of the claimants; that he was vehement in his 
manner; that he dwelt most upon topics whielrwere irritating both to the 
whites and the Indians; and that his wholeyoperations were calculated to 
produce excitement in the camp. His object, however, seems throughout 
to have been to protect the Indians from tte frauds which he believed 
were about being pmcjdsed juj^^jiem. Meritorious as this purpose may 
have been, there was great indiscretion exhibited in the means resorted to 
attain it. So great was the excitement, that all agree in the opinion that 
one blow struck would have led to a general fight and much bloodshed. 

The disturbance broke up any farther distribution of the money by 
Messrs. Ewing and Taber. The latter retired to his Jiouse, and having 
learned that some one of the crowd had threatened Qurn) personally, he 
armed himself. The sons of Barron prepared to defenothe money taken 



[ 198 j 



30 



b^J^ieir father, aod Colonel Ewing remained in the council house with the 1 
<€hlefs^ determined to defend his possession. J 

"t5Squii lard's speech was followed by one from Shadrina, a half-breed, i 

who was intoxicated, and who, at Coquillard's request, interpreted to the I 

Indians what he had said. Speeches were also made from the house-top 1 

by General Grover, 0. Carter, (postmaster at Logansport.) Allan Hamilton, 1 

Wm. G. Ewing, and Colonel Pepper. General Grover insisted that the \ 
proceedings of Ewing and Taber, in distributing the money, should be 

stopped ; that the money already paid should be returned, and none paid I 

out until all the claims were presented. Mr. Carter's speech was to the l 

same purpose, and he proposed an investigation of the claims. Mr. Ham- 1 

ilton proposed that the money should be returned, and Mr. Evving avowed Si 

his willingness to have his claims investigated. All attempted to allay the ( 

excitement and prevent violence. Some proposed that Colonel Pepper \ 

should investigate the claims. Others, that he and the disbursing officer i 

should do so. To these propositions, those gentlemen would not assent. 1 

Mr. Carter tjhen proposed that they should appoint five persons to discharge I 

that duty. (This was assented to on all hands ; Colonel Pepper resting his * 

assent upon that of the Indians.) I 

This proposition, and that of Mr. Hamilton to return the money, allayed J 

the excitement, and the crowd dispersed. Mr. Hamilton immediately re- i 

turned the money which he was to return. General Grover and some I 

others proceeded to Barron's house to superintend the return of his money. ( 

His sons first attempted to resist, but upon being threatened with having i 
their house torn down about their.. £jars, they gave it up ; and it was then 

discovered that he had taken f^^OTO more than the chiefs and Messrs. 1 

Ewing and Taber had set apart lor him. Colonel E wing's money was ! 

taken by the guard and put into the general pile, and the whole was then I 
put under the care of the agent. 

Colonel Pepper was at dinner when the disturbance began. He imme- i 
diately went to the council house, and as soon as he could obtain a hearing, 
he addressed the crowd. He asserted the right of the Indians to do what 

they pleased with their money, and said they should be protected in the i 

I exercise of that right. He endeavored to allay the excitement, and con- i 

ducted himself throughout with the discretion and energy becoming- his 
s station and the occasion. 

This was the disturbance as it occurred on that day. It was not, thus I i 
far, attended with any other consequences than those designed, viz : 
breaking up the proceedings of Messrs. Ewing and Taber, and the return 

of a portion of the money paid out by them. The high state of excitement, j 

howeyafj which existed in the camp, and the fact that the Indians were i 
armea with their knives, and the whites with clubs and sticks, might have 
rendered the consequences more sevious if it. had not been for the elforts of 
Colonel Pepper, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Carter, and others. 

2d. " The cause and origin of that difficulty" 

Excitement existed both among the Indians and the whites, but produced 
by different caus-ej. 

About fifty I/jdians of the St Joseph or Chicago agency, accompanied by 
their chief,, came down to the payment, and eucamped in a body about two 
miles ofY, Their object was to receive a share of the payment, and some j 

I 



31 [198] 

of the Wabash Potawatamies desired they should © so. The chiefs, how- 
ever, in council, determined that this should pdti be done, and Colonel Pepper 
avowed his intention of carrying that resoluTipn' into effect. This created 
much dissatisfaction among those northern Indians and their friends, so 
much so as to induce them to leave the council called by /the agent, in a 
tumultuous and insulting manner, and to threaten to fighrwith the chiefs 
who had denied them. / 

By the treaty of 27th October, 1832, certain reservations of land were 
made for particular chiefs and their bands ; among others, ten sections to 
the band of Che-chaw-kose, and sixteen sections to that of Ash kum and 
Wee-si-o-nas. Colonel Pepper was instructed to treat for the purchase of 
all thqpe reservations remaining unsold. Ash-kum and Che-chaw-kose re- 
fused to treat. Colonel Pepper/then avowed his intention of treating witli 
the proper chiefs of the wholemation fo/ y the cession o£th^se reservations, 
and he dicT^ST" 1, The treaty of the 23d of September, ^836) was that which 
he thus made, to which neither Ash kum nor Che-chaw~-liose, nor any of 
their bands, were parties. 

TJyis, as might have been expected, produced great excitement in those 
two chiefs and their bands. They denied the right of the chiefs of the na~ 
tjon v to sell their particular reservations without their consent. They re- 
monstrated against the treaty thus made, and insisted that it should be 
broke". They appealed to a letter from Governor Cass, which they had, as 
evidence of their right to a separate and exclusive enjoyment of their par-\/ 
ticular reservations ; and they repeatedly threatened the lives of the chiefs 
who had thus assumed to cede their lands. *v~-\ 

The disturbance which I have described occur^ped on Sunday, the 25th 
September. This treaty^Mras made on Friday the 23d, and became publicly 
known on Saturday the 24th. 

The Indians, wJaqse dissatisfaction was produced by these two causes, 
numbered about^3QQ)in camp, as many as, if not more than, those who 
were friendly. 

The state of feeling among them was known on Sunday, and both 
Coquillard and Shadrina alluded to this subject in their speeches on that 
day. Their appeals seemed to meet with a ready response from the Indians, 
who were mingled with the whites in the crowd. 

The excitement among the white, people was produced by a different 
cause. Almost all of them were claimants against the Indians. The 
claims amounted to nearly double the sum which the Indians were to 
receive. One of the witnesses described the whites as composing "two 
parties on the ground ; one consisted of those who had the money, and the 
other of those who wanted jt, and the latter was the strongest/ 7 The officers 
of Government stood aloof froqif both. 

The Indians received $b3.000. Of this, they set apart $16,000 for 
themselves, and appropriated $47,000 to the payment of their debts. The 
^hiei§, and their friends, Messrs. Ewing and Taber. had already paid out to 
three persons $32,000; leaving only $15,000 for distribution among the 
other claimants. It seemed to be generally understood among the claimants, 
that no debts (excepting only those adjusted in 1835) should be paid until 
all the claims should be presented, so that all should have an equal chance. 
On the contrary, the payment of new claims commenced without waiting 
for the presentation of all of them. The remonstrances of the other 
claimants were disregarded ; one of them was ejected by violence from the 



[ 198 ] 



32 



room. And the payment went on with a liberal hand to those who-wero 
permitted to remain inside. Hence the excitement among the white people. 

Their object seemed/to be solely to arrest these proceedings, and bring 
about a more equitable distribution of the money. None of the claimants 
alluded to the topic which had produced the excitement, among the Indians, 
And as soon as the money was returned, and it was determined to appoint 
other men to pay it out after receiving all the claims, the excitement among 
tjiejn subsided, and the disturbance, so far as they were concerned, ended. 

It is, however, contended that the disturbance was the result of preconcert 
among some of the leaders. This allegation is based upon the evidence of 
Samuel D. Taber, "that Grove r and Coquillard appeared very much 
enraged that claims were to be paid, which ought not to be ; and the latter 
said, before that should be done, he would tear down the house and give 
the money to the Indians. Carter told him to stick to that, and G rover 
said they would make Coquillard foreman, and the three then went off 
together ■; that tSlridge said they would have had a disturbance before, if 
they could have got any body to talk Indian ; as soon as Coquillard came, 
w .they went ahead. ; ' 

I cannot learn from the testimony that Mr. Carter did anything more 
in the disturbance than to make the proposition, which was finally acceded 
to, and quieted the excitement. The other three gentlemen were active in 
leading on the crowd. But I am not satisfied that they intended any 
violence. They talked loud and made a great noise, but committed no 
further violence. 

3. ' ; Its results, and particularly as to the conduct of the officers" fyc. 

«*| m** 4»f - . / ' 

One result was, that part of the money ot the Indians was missing, and 
jpever accounted for. They received $63,000. Of this, $472 was paid for 
depredations, $12, 328 was paid by Messrs. Ewing and ^aber, and not 
returned, $16,000 was paid by the -.new .-commissioners /to the Indians, 
$32,832 to the claimants, and $128 Tor their services and expenses ; 
; making a total of $gl,76^ and showing a deficiency of $1,240. I cannot; 
with all my inquiries, ascertain what became of that sum. It was probably 
extracted fropri the mass during the disturbance, but by whom I cannot 
| even conjecture. It seems to have been lost to the Indians at all events. 



Another result was, that when it became necessary to have a guard, it 
was no longer discreet for Co'. oriel Pepper to rely upon the assistance of the 
white people on the ground ; for most of them had been engaged in the 
disturbance, and some of his guard had abandoned their post, and made 
common cause with th? people. He was, therefore, obliged to resort 
elsewhere for a force v which, under other circumstances, he might have 
obtained on the spot. 

Another result was, an entirely different distribution of the money. On 
Monday morning, Colonel Pepper announced the appointment of Ebenezer 
Ward, William Polke* R. B. v Stevenson, S. B. Barthelet, and E. V. Cicott. j 
This appointment was very judicious. They were gentlemen of high i 
character in the community, and discharged their duty with fidelity and i 
scrupulous integrity. There is no foundation whatever for the charges of j 
mal-conduct against them, which are contained in the letter from the chiefs, i 
If they paid any false claims, it was because they had neither the time nor 
the opportunity of investigation. And in every instance where either of t 



33 



[198] 



them was interested in the claim presented, he was careful to abstain from 
acting upon it. They rejected some claims, and upon all that were allowed 
they paid something. 

Another result, is so intimately connected with calling out the troops, 
that it will be considered hereafter. 

I felt myself especially required to investigate the conduct of the officers 
of Government in these transactions. 

The conduct of Barron, the interpreter, in taking $2,000 more than was 
allotted to him, was without excuse. 

The chiefs deny that they intended to make any charge against Colonel 
Pepper; but there are some implied in their letter to the President. These are, 
however, complaints that he had not remained among them as long as they 
deemed it necessary. He did remain as long as there was any real neces- 
sity for his doing so, and then he was called away by other and equally 
pressing official duties. 

JXjnay also be, as the chiefs and Mr. Coquillard seemed to suppose, that 
if me) had undertaken the task of distribution, there would not have been 
any disturbance. But that was not within the scope of his official duties, 
and his predecessor had incurred some censure from having, on previous 
occasions, undertaken it. 

"4th. Was it (the disturbance) such as to justify calling out the 
troops?" 

The state of feeling among a portion of the Indians, on Sunday, has 
already been adverted to. On the evening of that, day, Colonel Pepper 
held a council with the chiefs^ to select the new commissioners. Ashkum, 
and others of the disaffected Indians, intruded themselves rudely upon that 
council, and broke it up. ^ 

At the execution of the treaty of the 23<2 September, the chiefs who 
signed it expressed their fears that their lives would be endangered if they 
did so. Colonel Pepper promised them his protection. After the execu- 
tion of the treaty, he was informed that the dissatisfied Indians had held a 
council, and determined to kill all who had signed the treaty; and the feel- 
ing which existed among them was apparent to him as early as Sunday 
morning. After the council was thus disturbed on Sunday evening, the 
chiefs who had signed the treaty called upon him, told him their lives were 
threatened, and claimed his protection as he had promised them. At this 
time there were many in the camp, both Indians and whites, who were in- 1 
toxicated, and these chiefs armed themselves/with knives and pistols. 

There were no Government troops nearer than Chicago, and they could 
not have been procured in less than five or six days' time. It was not to 
be expected, under the circumstances, that the agent would attempt to or- 
ganize a force among those whites who were in the camp, and who had, 
most of them, been engaged in scenes which encouraged, if it did not en- 
gender, the bad feeling among the Indians. He had no alternative but to / 
call upon the militia ; and he did so by a rje^jm^tioji jipon Colonel Ewing/ 
a copy of which will be found in the recoraoTmy proceedings. This was 
issued on Sunday evening, and the troops arrived in the neighborhood on 
Monday afternoon. 

Apprehensions of further disturbance continued on Monday, and it was 
the opinion of the most candid and dispassionate among the witnesses, that 



[ 108] 



34 



in consequence of the excitement during trial, day, no distribution of the 
money couljA have taken place without the., aid. of iioojs; ai.d that opinion 
was repe^dly expressed to Colonel Pepper. In the course of that day, 
Ashknm,and an lndiaiKnatned Ship she-w a-eno, made s< n.e sj eech< s to an 
assemblage of about ; £lj0^ndianSj in which they wtfte very abusive to Col* 
Pepper and insulting to the chiefs who had signed the tieaty, daring them 
to come out of doors;, telling them they were^ot)chiefs. &c. 

The conduct of this chief and hb party, oiftfiis occasion and on Sunday 
evening, was the natural consequence of the previous disturbance. They 
would not have ventured upon it, if the example had not bee n set ihem 
the day before — if they had not looked for countenance among the white peo- 
ple, and had not discovered the want of power in the agent to control 
either the whites or Indians. 
I On the same day Coquillard went into the woods', and made a speech to 
40 or 50 Indians, in which he accused the Ewings of attempting to cheat 
them. Colonel Pepper hearing of this, went to the place, and forbid Co- 
quillard from going any farther, and he desisted. / 

In the course of that Jifternoon, the news reached the camp that troops 
had arrived in the vicinity. The excitement became immediately very 
great. The people rushed towards the lodge, in which was Colonel Pep- 
per with the money. He met them at the door, and by his resolution and 
energy prevented any farther disturbance there. The camp was in great 
confusion. Some abused the Colonel ; others talked of preparing to meet 
the troops ; but nothing more than noise happened. 

The next day the troops arrived^ at the camp. The money was put 
into the possession of Mr. Ward and his associates, and the troops un- 
der their orders; and then, without any farther molestation, the task of 
LdistributiomKvas cojmnlejed. 

Those commissioners made to me a report of their proceedings, which 
is herewith transmitted. The troops were on duty tor several days, and, 
accompanying the evidence, will be found sundry documents showing the 
particulars of their service. 

It rn^kfht have been that the money could have been distributed, and the 
chiefs protected against the threatened violence, without any resort to an 
armed force. But there was too much excitement and well-grounded 
apprehension of violence, to justify an experiment which, if unsuccessful, 
would have been attended with disastrous and fatal consequences. And, 
in ray opinion, Col. Pepper wasy required, by the obligations of his office, 
to call around him such a force as would cause his station, as the represen- 
tative of the^Goverument, to be properly respected, and would enable him 
to afford to the chiefs that protection which they had, under the circum- 
stances, a right to require at his hands. 

During the investigation before me there was some conflicting testimony, 
and some imputations upon individuals, which induced me to announce, 
at the close of the testimony, that I would receive any written communi- 
cations upon the subject from any person who might choose to make them. 

In consequence of this announcement, I received the letters hereto 
annexed, from M. Coquillard, E. V. Cicott, G. W. Ewing, Joseph Barron, 
and Peter Barron. I do not know that I am called upon to take any farther 
notice of the three former. The two latter are from two of the witnesses 
to the letter of the chiefs to the President, and they aver that the letter iif 
my possession is different from that which they signed. 



35 



[ 198] 



Having received only a copy from your department, in consequence of 
ihese letters 1 applied lo you, as you are aware, for the original. Upon 
receiving/t, I discovered at once, from an inspection of the paper, that the 
whole ojpMt. signatures of chiefs and witnesses, was all in the same hand- 
writing, and therefore color was given to the assertion of the Messrs Barron. 
I then applied to Col. Kwing for the original, by letter, a copy of which is 
annexed. He promptly furnished it to me, and I herewith transmit it to 
you. It will be seen, on examination, that though it differs, in some respects, 
from that on your files, the difference is not very material, and does not 
exist in those points in which the Barrons suppose it did. 

Your instructions direct me to report to your office all the facts which 
shall be elicited by my investigation, together with my opinion whether 
any, and if any, what farther action is necessary on the part of your 
department. I hope I shall be pardoned fop taking in my answer a wider 
range than may appear to be strictly necessary. 

In regard to the conduct of Barron, the interpreter, I must beg leave, 
before your department shall arrive at an opinion, to refer you to my report 
in some of the debt cases, and particularly in his own case, No. 17, and to 
his letter to me of the lvth of June, which is herewith transmitted. 

I am not aware that it will be necessary for your department to take any ; 
measures, even if any should be deemed proper, in reference to the conduct of 
the parties engaged in the disturbance. An indicyfient haybeen preferred, 
in theyState cou/ts of Indian/, against Coquillard, Grovei*f Eld ridge, Com- 
paret, Shadrina, and Carter, for a riot : and that tribunal is competent to; 
try and to punish, if justice shall require it. A copy of the indictment is 
herewith transmitted. 

By referring to a letter from Gen. Howard, a copy of which will be found 
on page 103 of the record of my proceedings, it will be seen that Colonel 
Ewing preferred a complaint against Coquillard, and others, for a violation 
of the laws of Congress, and that Col. Pepper addressd a communication 
to the United States district judge upon the subject. In consequence of 
the latter, a grand jury was summoned, and the matter submitted to them. 
They found "that the breaches of law complained of, referred themselves 
for adjudication and punishment to the laws of the State of Indiana^ and 
the courts thereof;" but they expressed an opinion that Coquillard and 
Shadrina had violated the 13th section, and the latter clause of the 15th 
section of the act of Congress of the 30th June, 1 S34. 

It is proper, therefore, as suggested by Gen. Howard, that I should express 
an opinion whether the latter part of this finding of the grand jury is 
I correct. The district attorney certainly acted with propriety in deferring 
I the commencement of prosecutions for the penalties prescribed by those 
sections. He was not bound by that finding, yet it would have afforded 
him a good excuse for commencing suits. But it was altogether most 
discreet to wait until all the facts should be fully developed. 

I have already adverted to the discrepancies in the testimony in reference 
to the speeches of Coquillard and Shadrina. It is stated most strongly 
against them in the testimony of Col. Ewing, (page 70.) Even if we should 
consider that as the correct version, there will not, I think, be found enough 
to justify the finding of the grand jury. 

This is a penal law, and is to be strictly construed. The 13th section 
renders it pepdl to send grfy talk, speech, &c., with intent to produce a 
contravention or infraction of a treaty, &c., or to disturb the peace, &c. 



[198] 36 

Now, this cannot properly be construed to relate to a speech or talk orally 
delivered by its author, but only to one sent by its author through some 
other channel than a personal delivery. The next (the 14th) section 
strengthens this view, for it inflicts a penalty upon any person who shall 
deliver any such talk, &c, to or from any Indian nation, &c.,fro?)t or to 
any subject, citizen, &c. ; clearly contemplating only a case of a speech or 
talk sent from one person to another by a third. This was not the case 
with Coquillard and Shadrina. They delivered their own speeches, and 
did not send them by a third person. Although as much mischief may be 
done in the one way as the other, and a penal provision be equally necessary 
in both cases, that will afford no good reason for extending the operation 
of the statute to cases not strictly within its letter. 

The latter clause of the 15th section renders it penal for any person to 
alienate, or attempt to alienate, the confidence of any Indian or Indians 
from the Government of the United States. If we still continue to take 
the view of their speeches which Col. Ewing gives, we shall not, I appre- 
hend, be able to find anything in them which would subject Coquillard 
\j and Shadrina to the peuiflty prescribed in this section. The utmost that 

tthey said, was accusing the agent of having cheated the Indians, advising 
them to disavow the treaty and require it to be broken, and charging the 
agent or the President (which of them is uncertain) with having lied to 
them. All this may have had a tendency to alienate the confidence of the 
Indians from the agent, but the alienation of their confidence from the Gov- 
ernment would not necessarily ensue. The speeches were consistent with 
*he entire confidence of the Indians that the Government would break an 
v unjust treaty, and protect them against the deceptions of which they com- 
plained, and may have contemplated an appeal to the justice of Government 
for that purpose. It is true, the speakers may have intended to effect their 
I I | object by a resort to violence. But in the absence of testimony, we are 
not at liberty to presume, in order to bring them within the provisions of a 
penal statute, that theii intentions were unlawful. ^On the other hand, it is 
our duty to presume that their intentions were(jawJ))H, until the contrary is 
proved. No such proof was given in the case7~and I am of opinion that 
the grand jury erred. 

I have carefully examined the act of Congress, for a prohibition against 
any person's making a speech, or any other direct and personal effort to alien- 
ate the affections of the Indians from our Government, or to disturb our 
peace or tranquillity. I have searched in vain. Such a provision seems 
necessary ; for surely as much injury can be done by personally making a 
speech as by its transmission through a third person. 

This is not, however, the only reform which suggests itself to me as 
proper to be adopted. 
I Difficulties like those which occurred in Indiana, or occurrences of a char- 
acter equally destructive to the morals and happiness of the Indians, must, 
more or les^, necessarily grow out of the present mode of paying (heir 
j annuities. (A whole nation or tribe is assembled at one place.} The annU- 
j ity is paid in coin, and is appropriated by the Indians either in the purchase 
| of articles at the time, or in payment of debts contracted at prior purchases. 
; Some of these articles are necessary, many are unnecessary, and some are 
j positively injurious. " The traders are naturally anxious to obtain this mo- 
I ney ; not without an equivalent, it is true, but an equivalent in which their 
j interest is regarded rather than that of the Indian. Hence the traders pre- 



37 



[198] 



pare for the payment, and proceed to the camp with the materials for trade; 
and they are induced t*> carry into the Indian country, and spread before 
the Indians, the temptation to indulge in practices both physically and 
morally injurious. 

It is in vain that the payment may be appointed far in the interior, and at 
a distance from the trading posts. 

It is soon ascertained that whiskey can be transported wherever specie 
can, and the one follows the other with a true and certain scent. 

The evils arising from this practice are manifold. 

Much time is occupied iii travelling to and from the payment, and the 
Indians are consequently often absent from their hunts or their corn-fields 
for three or foup weeks of tbeijvmost valuable time. 

Many white men and half-breeds are in the habit of attending; some? 
from curiosity or amusement, and some for the purpose of sharing in the 
^annuity, by enrolling the.uselves or their families in the tribe by their In.-L* 
dian names. Among these, it is not uncommon for scenes of debauchery 
and intoxication to ensue, which at least has the effect of rendering the task 
of keeping the Indians in proper bounds rather difficult. 

The proneness of the Indians to indulge in intoxication is not always 
controllable, and it is frequently impracticable for the officers of Govern- 
meht to procure their abstinence even until their business shall be complet- 
ed. The hope of gain overcomes the fear of the penalties of the law. A 
military force cannot always be procured. A guard organized from the 
inhabitants of the camp, cannot, as wis evident in Indiana, be always re- 
lied upon. And without a physical force to destroy or take possession of 
the liquor, the traders and Indians will both yield to the temptations before f 
them. If the officers of Governmerit are able to preserve order during! 
their sojourn in camp, the traders and Indians remain after their departure. | 
All restraint is then thrown off; and the whole camr^fhen, women, and 
<lhj|dre^, will exhibit a disgusting spectacle of intoxication ; the money of! 
theTludians be wasted and gone in a few hours; not uncommonly fights 
and murders occur, and the Indian returns from his payment almost as j 
poor as when he went, and cerfaiuly injuied by the debauchery in which j 
he has been engaged, and the e^rnf>les which have been set before him. 

I am not dealing in exaggeration. I am describing what I have seen, and 
what has been disclosed to me^m my investigations By referring to the 
particularise of the Potawatamies, it will be observed that there were sev- 
eral grog shops in the camp; that whites and Indians were both intoxicated ; 
that liquor had much to do in producing the necessity for the interposition 
of an armed force ; and that the excitement among the Indians was ren- 
dered alarming by their intoxication. 

The effect thus produced upon the moral habits of the Indians is not,/ 
the only evil they sustain from this practice. By means of their aunnitieSj 
they acquire a credit with the traders which is injurious to them. When 
in want of any article, insread of relying upon their skill in hunting, or 
their industry in their cornfields or their rice grounds, they rely upon this 
credit, and buy at a price greatly increased by their ignorance, and the risk 
and delay in payment. Proper incentives to industry are thus destroyed, 
and they are encouraged in the habits of idleness and improvidence to 
which they are ever prone, and which are the most formidable obstacles to 
their civilization and moral improvement. I 

Tne CDmmuuity of property generally existing a i.ong them, and which f 



[ 198 ] 38 

operates to discourage (heir industry, is increased by the present mode of 
paying their annuities. The debts which they coniract are frequently paid 
out of the common stock of the whole tribe, the debts of individuals being 
thus converted into claims againet the whole nation. The indebted Indian 
\ is not required to pay his debuprft of hisshare of the annuity. This arises 
from their inability to compute or understand the accounts against them or 
1 to make distribution of their money, and from the import unity of their 
\ creditors, who find their interest in checking discrimination. The effect, 
I however, upon the Indians is most injurious. The more each runs in debt r 
^the greater is the share which he obtains of the common fund. The in- 
jdustriotis and economical fare worse than do the idle and extravagant; and 
•"a struggle is very naturally produced among them, which shell least practise 
fhe virtues which are so essential to the improvement of jjUeir condition. 

This is strongly exemplified among the Potawaf amies of the Wabash. 
By pursuing this course they have become so involved in debt, that the 
, price of their whole domain, although liberal, cannot extricate them ; and 
i the habits of idleness, improvidence, and intoxication, thus produced among 
I them, render the entire extinction of this portion of a once powerful nation, 
; an event that must be regarded as both speedy and certain, unless a new 
state of things shall dawn upon them. 

Beyond the benefits resulting to the traders from this practice I know of 
but one argument in favor of its continuance ; it is, perhaps, the cheapest 
mode in which we can pay Indian annuities. But 1 will not believe that 
; this consideration will have any weight wit our Government, when it is 
I recollected that our mistimed economy is inflicting serious and lasting evils 
upon those whom we are in the habit of treating as mops rotfsilii.'as wards 
committed to our guardian care, whose welfare we are bound to regard by 
. every consideration of justice and humanity. 

\ The most effectual remedy for these evils will be to pay the annuities in 

\ goods and provisions. 

The first effect of this change will be, to destroy the worst part of the 
Indian trade. The traders do not wish for goods in exchange for their 
commodities.. Their object, mainly, is to obtain money or tnrs. Their 
trade being confined principally to the latter, they would not have the same 
inducement to attend the Indian payments with large stocks of goods and 
liquor. The Indians, for the purchase of such articles as they would re- 
quire, would be compelled to rely upon their success in hunting or cultivat- 
ing the ground. They wrj*l1d thus be incited to be industrious, skilful, and 
economical ; and the tracers would no longer find it to their interest to hold 
out to them temptations to be otherwise; and the influence of \he traders 
growing out of the frequency of their intercourse, and which is naturally 
exercised rather for their own benefit than that of the Indians, would be 
materially impaired. 

That influence is already sufficiently strong to enable the traders, if they 
should see fit to exercise it, to thwart any measures depending upon the as- 
sent of the Indians which Government might adopt for their improvement. 
They are in the frequent habit of conferring favors upon the Indians, some- 
times without the hope of remuneration, and to afToid relief horn acute suf- 
fering and pressing want ; sometimes with an expectation of return, ren- 
dered uncertain by a dependence not only upon the will, but the ability of 
the obliged party. As there is no obligation which has more binding force 
with an Indian/than that of making a suitable return for favors bestowed, 



39 



[ 19S j 



so no influence over them is stronger than that which is founded on this I 
basis, and none that is more powerful, for good or ill, as it may chance to[ 
be exerted. 

The sroocb, if judiciously purchased, c/>uld he supplied by Government 
at a much cheaper rate than by the retail trade of the Indian country; or, 
to express it more properly, the Indians would receive more goods for the 
same money. Confined to articles of necessity, such as clothing, provisions, 
and implements for hunting and farming, and the like, they would furnish 
much more extensive relief from that pinching vv^nt which ^the frequent 
consequence of t'leir uncontrollable iove of finery and strong drinks. 

This measure, therefore, while it will curtail the means and inducements 
for intemperate indulgence, will increase the supply for actual necessaries. 
I know, however, that it is frequently said, that it will compel the Indians 
to receive articles which they do not want. This surely cannot be consid- 
ered an insuperable objection, until it, shall be shown to be impracticable 
for the Indians to communicate their wants to the officers of Government, 
or for those officers to ascertain what articles are suitable to their condition ; 
a matter, one would suppose, of not more difficult attainment to a Govern- / 
ment officer than to an Indian trader. V 

The mere fact of paying annuities in goods, will not alone produce all 
the benefits to be desired, although it will materially approximate to that 
result. The habitual improvidence of the Indians may frequently induce 
them, when they have on hand more goods or provisions than is required 
by their immediate wants, to barter them away for injurious commodities, 
at so great a sacrifice as to render the trade, even in that form, profitable 
to the white man. This will be more particularly the case if they are congre- 
gated in such large numbers as to create a business extensive enough to 
compensate the trader for his risk, time, and expense of transportation. 

To prevent this, and render the system complete, it would be necessary 
to abolish the present practice of calling a/whole nation or tribe together, 
and paying a whole year's annuity at one time: but in lieu of that, pay \ 
them by separate baud 4, villages, or small parties; divide the annuity in I 
/ two or more payments, to be made at different periods in the year ; and in [ 
/ all cases have it distributed by the Government officers, among heads of 
\ families or individuals, and not paid in mass. Vr 

It is this feature in the proposed reform which will increase the duties 
of your subordinates, and may increase the expense to Government ; but 
the advantages to the Indians must be manifest to every one acquainted 
with the subject. 

In those cases where, in consequence of treaty stipulations, or from other, 
causes, annuities cm be paid on^ in specie, many of the evils of which I 
have spo'vei^Avould be remedied or ameliorated by making the payments to 
small bands or villages, raiher than to the ^lioji-*. nation, and at several 
periods in the year ; and in all cases let each family have its share. The 
advantage of each of these measures has already been pointed out, among 
which, the encouragement which would thus be given to a separate owner- 
ship of property wo ild not be the least. 

I am aware that it nay be said that the Indians have recently, by refus- 
ing to accept their annuities in goods, evinced their opposition to the course 
I sug rest. But 1 am also aw ire that these refusals have frequently been 
promote I by oth n* considerations than the advance riant of the true interest 
of tfu Indians, and have as frequently been in tie in utter ign >randa of the. 



[198] 



40 



fact, that they would have been materially benefitted by acceptance. I too 
fully appreciate the operating" influence, to accord lo that refusal all the 
weight to which, under other circumstances, it might be entitled: 

The plan, therefore, which I suggest, will, in my opinion, be altended. 
with these great advantages : it will avoid the del auehery and intoxication 
so frequently exhibited at Indian payments ; will remove the te mptations 
which are now so freely placed before the Indians ; will ext< nd their annui- 
ties in value; will teach them a separation instead of a comn unity of pro- 
perty; will encourage economy and industry, and discourage their o\ posites ; 
and will impair an influence over them which can frequently be exercised 
to their injury. 

Thoroughly convinced, by observation and my investigations, of the jus- 
tice and humanity of the measures which I have taken the liberty to sug- 
gest, I have felt it a duty to submit them to your consideiation, in the hope 
that by their adoption much may be done to improve the condilion of the 
Indians, and (heir certain destruction be at least impeded, if it cannot be 
entirely arrested, 

I am, sir, 

With great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. W. EDMONDS, 

U. S. Commissioner fye. 

Hon. C. A. Harris, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 



Programme of General Howard. 

Logans port, Indiana, 
Tuesday morning. June 13, 1830. 

Tn the investigation of certain matters (connected with the Indian pay- 
ment, in the county of Fuller, in September last) before the commissioner, 
J. W. Edmonds. Esq., under instructions from the War Department, 1 pro- 
pose to off* r testimony upon the following subjects of inquiry, in the oider 
in which they are stated, to wit : 

1st. The difficulty at the payment, embracing the riot or mob, with the 
attendant circumstance 

2d. The cause and origin of that difficulty. 

3d. Its results, and particularly as to the conduct of the officers. &c. 

4th. Was it such as to justify calling out the troops ? 

These points of inquiry, it is believed, comprehend the matters indicated 
in that part of the instructions to which my attention has been directed by 
the commissioner. 

T. A. HOWARD, 

United States Attorney, Indiana DisincL 



41 



[ 198] 



Requisition of Commissioners. 

September 29, 1836. 
Yon will please retain the troops here to protect ns and the chiefs of the 
Po l awatumies.*in his discharge of our duty as commissioners to investigate 
claims in favor of the whites, against said Potawatamies. 

WM. POLKE, 
E. V. CLCOTT, 
R. B. STEVENSON, 
D. D. PRATT. 

To Col. A. C. Pepper. 



September 28, 1836. 
We, the undersigned, with feeling safe; to discharge the duty involved 
upon ns hy the chiefs of the Wabash Potawatamies, through their father, 
Colonel A. C. Pepper, Indian agent, syj^est the propriety of Colonel Pep- 
pers sending for t Fie troops at Rochester, to protect ns and the cliK-fs in the 
distribution of their aiLniiity ; and also, to accompany the mm ey left to 
pay their just debts to Judge Polke, if required ; and also to prevent all 
violations of the laws of the State. 

EBENEZER WARD, 

President of the Board. 

P. S. — We further request Colonel A. C. Pepper to lead the troops to 
this camp. 



Report of the Commissioners of 1836. 

June 8, 1837. 

Sir: The undersigned, commissioners appointed by Colonel Pepper ? 
Indian agent, an$ Captain Simonton, disbursing agent, at the request of 
the Potavva'amie chiefs, in Septe»4)er, 1836. to divide and distribute a por- 
tion of their money to the ^eads^ of families, and to divide the residue 
among the claimants against the Potawatamies of the Wabash, beg leave 
respectfully to submit the following report: 

Under the peculiar circumstances existing at the time, owing to the great 
number of claimants and others attending the payment, and the difficulty 
of procuring subsistence in the neighborhood, together with the impatience 
of the Indians and claimants themselves, it was found impracticable to 
enter into any accurate investigation of claims presented against the In- 
dians. The/ undersigned, by one of their colleagues, namely, William 
Polke, Esq., proclaimed to the people or claimants that they would endeavor 
to pay no claims that were not just ; but should they, through mistake, pay 
any one more than should thereafter, upon an investigation, appear to be 
just, the claimants would be required to pay them back ; and further, that 
the undersigned would recommend to tfy£ Secretary of War the propriety 
and necessity of instituting an investigation, by the appointment of a com- 



[198] 



42 



missioned for that purpose, of all the claims against the aforesaid tribe of 
Indians. That the undersigned, believing such a commissioner would be 
appointed, and that upon this condition being verbally expressed and 
understood, ihe claimants herewith presented were handed in and filed, and 
afterwards handed back to the owners. 

We beg leave to submit to your honor that, agreeable to the request of 
the chiefs, we paid of the money that was placed in our care, to themselves 
and to the heads of families, as they directed, sixteen thousand dollars; and 
the remainder, thirtj-two thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars, as fol- 
lows, to wit : 

To different claimants, as per vouchers, thirty two thousand eight hun- 
dred and thirty-two dollars, and for conveying the same from payment 
ground to Judge Polke, by two teams, fourteen dollars, (receipts ;) also 
paid Cyrus Vigus and Moses H. Scott, for assisting in counting the money, 
five dollars each. Also paid Judge Polke, for sundry accommodations in 
transacting our business, sixteen dollars; and also paid Mr. Rice, our inter- 
preter, six dollars ; and to M. B. Brouillet, Esq., four dollars ; and the com- 
missioners sixteen dollars each ; making ninety six dollars. Amounting in 
all. that we paid, to the sum of forty eight thousand nine hundred and sixty- 
eight dollars. 

The foregoing being the full amount of money that came into the hands 
of the commissioners on the 28th of September, 1836. 

UBENKZER WARD, 
WM. POLKE, 
L. B. BKRTHELET, 
B. B. STEVENSON, 

Com rn iss loners. 

To J. W. Edmonds, Esq., 

Commissioner United States. 



Letter of Alexis Coqiiillard. 

Logansport, Jtnie 22, 1837. 
Sin : An opportunity having been offered to myself, \v'\w others, to pre- 
sent you a statement in writing explanatory and in justification of my con- 
duct at the paym^fit of the annuity! to the Wabash Poi/watamies on the 
Tippecanoe river in the fall 6f/f 33jM as also in ot'nets/matters conuecied 
therewith. I b&g leave to trouble you with the ibllowjng. 1 first commenced 
trading with the Potawatamie Indians in the year 1.8 1 7, on the Little St. Jo- 
seph's river, about forty miles d if taut from Fort Wayne, and continued there 
part of th;; time trading for myself, and part of the time as agent or clerk 
of J. E. Svvartz; at the expiration of which time I formed a co-partnership 
with FrancisCIqmparet, and removed to Fort Wayne, where I continued 
trading with said Indians until 1835. embracing a, period of near fourteen 
years. My partner resided during this period at Fort Wayne. During the 
three or four first years in which we traded as co partners, we had an an- 
nual stock of goods amounting to from five thousand to ten thousand dol- 
lars. During the remainder of the time, wp had annually a stock of be- 
tween twenty-five and thirty thousand dollars ; and I do not now remember 
that in any one year during that whole period we did or could have credit- 



43 [ 198 ] 

ed to the Indians more thnn six thousand dollars. Tliis arose^iot'from our 
unwillingness to credit them for goods, but from the fears which they en- 
tertained, and often expressed, that they would not he able to pay lor them. 
It would be proper for me here to remark, that diirjng the greater part of 
the time Pwas trading with them they owrled almost the whole of" that por- 
tion of the State of Indiana lying north of the Wabash river. In the year 
1832, on the Tippecanoe river, and in $S38J at Chicago. 1 had a final set- 
tlement with the Wabash Indians, and received my la^t payment in lS3j>. 
In September, 1836, a short time prior to the payment of the annuity to the 
Wabash Potawatami.es of that year, private business call d me to Fort 
Wayne and Wabash Town. Om my return home, other private business 
required my presence at Rochester, a sm \\\ town about four miles distant 
from the spot that had been selected as the payment ground for the pay- 
ment of the annuity last mentioned. While there, I was called upon by- 
several of my friends to go to the payment ground ; and, after some per- 
suasion and statements on their part, all my friends, some Indians among 
the number, wished very much that I would come. I consented and did go. 
It) order the better to explain thereon rse then pursued by myself, I must 
ask you to go back to the year if 8 19, at which time 1 at first became ac- 
quainted with the Messrs. Ewing. In the year 1822, 1 think, the father of 
the Messrs. Ewing had a small trading establishment ; but Mr. G. W. Ew- 
ing and Mr. Wm. G. Ewing did not commence trading until in 1826, or 
1827, at which time they purchased a small stock of goods in^Detroit. Tbevp/ 
Located themselves at Fort Wayne* and traded with Miami and Potnwata- 
mie Indians indiscriminately. They continued at Fort Wayne until 1828, , 
or 1829, at which time Mr. George W. E\vm£ removed to Logansport/ 
where he now resides^ From m^> acquaintance with the men, 1 have found 
them to be designing, intriguing men, seeking a fortune (for they like my- 
self were poor when they commenced business) with a determination to 
get it, as they have often said to myself and others, by whatever means 
they could obtain it. Showing this to be their character, I have always 
thought them capable of doing any act, however m(*an or dishonorable. 
When, therefore, I arrived at Rochester and the payment ground, as above 
stated, I was not a liitl$/surprised to find that they (the Ewings) had pre- 
sented a claim of $32,000 against the Indians. 1 say I was not a little sur- 
prised ; for, notwithstanding I thought them capable, as above remarked, of 
doing almost anything for the sake of money, yet I .did not think they could 
have the effrontery to bring aclaim of that amonnt^hr goods sold in thecouise » 
of one year ; and that, too, against the Wabash Potawatamie tribe, which 
does not exceed one thousand in number. In 1835 th ,y had a final sett lenient 
with the Indians, and were allowed the sum of $8,000, at which time they 
received M,(H)Q, and were to get the remainder in 1836, which they did. 
When tj^y were allowed that sum, they said to many persons, and to the 
Indians themselves, that that was the whole of the claim they then had 
against/fud Indians; and when we add Join's the fact that thev have pur- 
chased from these same Indians nearly 3^000 acres nf land, besides the great 
amount of land which they have pujse'hased from other persons; that they 
only commenced business about ten years since, and that, too, when poor ; 
and that they never, at any one year, purchased more than $40,000 worth of 
goods to supply a large store at Fort Wayne, where they alsotr aded largely 
with the white population ; a large store at Logansport, where they also sold 
largely to the whites, besides alarge n umber o( small establishments elsewhere, 



[ 198 ] 



44 



I think you must yourself be surprised. I would here beg leave to remark, that 
from my intimate knowledge of the Potawatamie Indians, their character 
and language, I can stale, without fear of contradiction, that there is no 
race .of., beings wtio can so easily., be made the dupes of designing men,. 
They are a sim]5Te7eonfT(Jiug people; and when they have confidence in 
any person, that person can persuade them to sign any paper, and do almost 
any act. This remark is particularly applicable to the Messrs. Ewing ; 
being endowed with considerable natural ability and sprightliness, possess- 
ing gentlemanly and easy manners, with the disposition 1 have before men- 
tioned, they are the men all others n^ost likely and able to deceive and 
lead away persons so ignorant and credulous as the Wabash Potawatamies. 
I found a great excitement among the white people, as also among the 
Indians. That among the whites was occasioned by the unusual amount 
claimed by the Messrs. Ewing, and also from the fact, that Mr. G. W. 
Ewing and Cyrus Taber had been selected to pa^f the cairns. That among 
the Indians was occasioned from the fact, that ^he head chiefs of the nation 
had sold reservations that had been given to bands without consulting the 
chiefs of those particular bands. I did not get to the payment ground until 
Saturday evening, and consequently knew nothing of the occurrences of 
the previous days. When 1 first reached the payment ground, on Saturday 
evening, a great number of persons complained that the Messrs. Ewing 
were going 10 defraud them of the amount of their several claims, and the 
Indians of the money. There was at that time a very great excitement, 
which continued until late on Sunday evening, in which I took no part 
until on Sunday, when, in a conversation with Messrs. Carter and Grover, 
I advised them to go to G. VV. Ewing, and get him, if possible, to consent 
to the appointment of disinterested persons to investigate the claims, and 
pay a part or all. One of them went in search of him for that purpose, 
but found him in the council house distributing the money, which pre- 
vented a conversation. 1 then went to Mr. W. G. Ewing for the same 
purpose; he made some insulting reply, when 1 first civilly accosted him, 
which caused us to quarrel. While we were still talking, some difficulty 
took place at the council-house, which attracted the attention of every 
person, and caused a geneial rush in that direction. 1, too, went, but for 
no other purpose than to see the cause. When I got there, General Grover 
asked me to speak to the Indians, and explain the reason of the disturbance. 
In order to do this, I first attempted to get upon the top of the council- 
house. 1 caught hold of the top pole of the house to pull myself up, but 
it gave way, and I tell to the ground. I. made a second attempt, but was 
pushed back by Major Andre, the captain of the guard. I then sueceeded 
in getting upon an adjoining house, when I explained to the Indians 
the cause of theydisturbance. 1 also told them that the Ewing's were 
attempting to cheat them out of their money. I told them not to be still 
like boys, and let themselves be robbed ; but to come out like men, and 
pay their honest debts, and no more. Being excited, I said much on this 
subject; but mofet positively deny saying anything against or derogatory 
to Colonel Pepper, Captain Simonton, or the Government of the United 
States. And here 1 must say, that I see in the evidence that has been 
adduced before you, sir, that the witnesses have blended the remarks made 
by myself with those made by^he Indian chiefs. They were exasperated 
against those who sold their land, and consequently said many hard things; 
against them, and also against the Government and its officers. 1 also 



45 



r 198] 



explained to the white people the cause of my speaking to the Indians. 
I furthermore remarked, that I had, no claim, no interest to be affected by- 
whatever course might be pursued; but that I disliked to see the Messrs. 
Ewing cheating and defrauding the Indians, and their neighbors, in the 
manner already alluded to. I would further state, that in the early part 
of that day (Sunday) I was sent for by the Indians. I \yent, and found 
them assembled. One of them had risen to speak, when me agent, Colonel 
Pepper, came up, and informed me that it was unlawful to hold counsel 
with the Indians. Upon this statement being made, I immediately left. 
After this I had frequent conversations with the Indians, in which they 
mentioned the cause of their grief, which was the sale of their lands. 
Thus, sir, I have given you a full, fair, and candid statement of the facts 
as they occurred, with which I have been identified. I have been thus 
full, to show the reasons and the feelings that actuated me in the part I 
took in the affair of the fall of 1836. In conclusion I will say, as 1 have 
stated before, that many witnesses, whose evidence has been adduced be- 
fore you, have blended the remarks made by me with those made by the 
Indian chiefs who spoke ; and I do most solemnly aver that I did not say 
anything, either directly or indirectly, of the Government or its officers; 
and as to the statement made in the letter purporting to hav^' been written 
by some Indians, but actually written by George W. Ewing, they are false ! 
positively false ! 

A. COQUILLARD, 

To John W. Edmonds, Esq., 

U. tS. Commissioner for investigating claims 

against the Wabash Potawata?nies. 



Letter to E. V. CicotL 

Logansport, June 20, 183? . 
Sir : Unavoidable circumstances having prevented me from attending 
the court of investigation held by yoff, as commissioner on the part of the 
United States, and the Potawatamie Indians, under instructions from the 
War Department ; and understanding that charges of a foul character had 
been made against me by G. W. Ewing, implicating my character and 
conduct as one of the individuals selected by Colonef Pepper and Captain 
Simonton at the last payment of annuities to the above-named Indians 
to examine and pay claims presented against them on that occasion, I deem 
it my duty to give you a brief and explanatory statement of the facts 
connected with that transaction, so far as it regards the claim of Silas 
Atchison. v 

In the fall of 1835, Silas Atchison had a claim against the Potawatamies 
of the Wabash for labor and depredations, amounting to five hundred 
dollars ; it appears that he^made several attempts to get that amount from 
the Indians, but had always failed. He came to me some time after the 
payment of 1835, and proposed that if I would collect his claim, he would 
give me the half of it for my trouble. I took it, under the honest convic- 
tion that I could not collect more than half of it, as there were a great 
many claims of the same nature existing against the Indians* I, however, 



[198] 



46 



took the assignment on the back of said claim, and gave him my* receipt 
for the same. 

Whilst aciing as commissioner at Judge Polke's house last fall, I pre- 
sented to the gentlemen composing that hoard " the Atchison claim." and 
left the room immediately, to afford them an opportunity ol acting upon it 
during my ahseuce. On my return into the room, I found $250 of the same 
enletvd on the list of claims allowed: that amount I presented to Silas 
Atchison the same day, and he paid me, agreeably to promise, $125. 

Can it he possible that such a transaction could have been received by 
any person (unless^ lie be an individual devoid of honor and moral recti- 
tude) in any other light, than an honest and fair transaction ? Such, how- 
ever, as it is, I submit to your consideration, believing that you will do me 
ample and impartial justice. 

With much respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

E. V. CICOTT. 

Hon. J. W. Edmonds, 



Extract from a letter from Colonel Ewhig to the Commissioner. 

June 21, 1S37. 

N. B. — As to the reference made to me by E. V. Cicott, in his recent 
communication to you, I will/barely remark, that the undisproved fact that 
he fraudulently obtained $2,393 from the Wabash Potawatamies in Sep- 
tember, 1836, and that he subsequently appropriated $125 to his own use 
when acting as a distributing commissioner or mob man, without any honest 
consideration ; and all these facts appearing in evidence before you, is 
deemed a full and sufficient reply and refutation to anything he may have 
said relative to me. 

It now remains to be determined, from the future action of the Govern- 
ment, whether those Indians will or will not be protected from such open, 
notorious, and flagrant frauds; perhaps Mr. Cicott could give you some 
information as to the two boxes of Indian money, which it seems has not 
yet been accounted for to you ; let an honest inquiry be continued ; "villany 
will out." 

I remain, with great respect, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. W, EWING. 

Hon. J. W. Edmonds, 

United States Com?nissio?ief6 



Letter from Colonel Ewing to the Commissioner* 

LoganspoiiTj June 27, 183f« 
Sir : tn the hopes that this will find you safe and comfortable at De- 
troit, I have taken the liberty of again reminding you of my former request, 
namely : that you would oblige us with a copy of Mr. Howard's communi* 



[ I OS ] 



cation to you ; and also of Mr. Tnber's evidence as given in before yon, as 
I did not receive them from Judge Police's. 1 conclude you found yourself 
too much fatigued to copy them there. 

On the subject of Cequillard's letter, which you was good enough to show 
me, 1 have to say that H 'is a a base fahricalinn of J a 1st- hoods, so far as it 
relates to my broiher*and myself; and as it was personal and abusive to- 
wards us, 1 hope you will see at once the propriety of suppressing it. If 
such Billingsgate effusions as are contained in that communication, be re- 
ceivable in place of plain matters of fact explanatory of our conduct or acts, 
it would then indeed be by no means strange that the greatest rascal would 
make himself out the most honest man. 

1 could give the pedigree of the villain Coquillard, from his boyish days 
among the renegade British Canadians, (who fled from our side, and went 
into Upper Canada during the last war,) at Maiden, insulting and torturing 
the American prisoners, and practising outrages upon their persons and 
their feelings. 

I could trace the same British-hearted rascal during his intercourse 
among our Indians since the late war up to the present period ; and prove 
upon him that he has ever opposed the measures of our Government, and 
done much towards alienating these people from it; and at every treaty I 
ever saw him ar, he has notoriously opposed, vilified, and traduced the 
officers of the Federal Government. At the late treaty, in September, 1836, 
he used all his influence to excite the British and Catholic Indians to acts 
of violence, and urged them to go forward and shed blood. 

Will the General Government brook such open insult as has been fully 
proven against that man? and will Mr. Howard be justified in his dema* 
gogue course ? 

This is a subject to which the attention of members of Congress will be 
called. In my opinion,, that gentleman, after having refused to enforce the 
laws of Congress, notwithstanding he had been fully advised that they had 
been outraged, (the information having been given by Colonel Pepper, In- 
dian agent, more than six months ago,) took upon himself to speak of re- 
sponsiblity, &c. It is well ; and so far as he is concerned, he had better 
look to it ; he will hear of it on the floor of Congress, as well as in the pub- 
lic prints of our own State. 

I feel a particular solicitude to know what your report will be relative to 
the late claims-laid before you, especial l^lour own ; and am of opinion that 
it would greatly facilitate the removing agent ; for it is not to be presumed 
that any of those Indians will agree to move out of the State until advised 
that their just debts are paid and suitably provided for. This determina- 
tion they have invariably expressed. 

It is my wish and desire, however, that nothing may occur to detain 
them here any longer ; but that Colonel Sands may succeed in taking 
them all off this fall. 

With great respect, 

Your obedient humble servant 

GEO, W,E WING, 

Hon. J. W. Edmonds* 



[ 1^8 ] 



Letter of Joseph Barron to the Commissioner, 

Indian Agency, 
Logansport, Indiana, June 19, 1837. 

Sir: I have had an opportunity of examining my testimony as given 
and signed before you. The condensed manner in which you have to take 
all testimony down, is my apology for writing you this letter, wilh the re- 
quest that you will lay it before the proper department. 1 have now to re- 
iterate, in a few words, what I have stated before to you under oath ; but, 
to be brief, I will refer you to my^estimony as given, and say, (upon ex- 
amination of it,) I find nothing but what is strictly correct, I know that 
the letter was wrote at my house by Mr. G. W. Ewing; at the request 
of the Indians, and forwarded to the President. Things are told in 
that letter, (a copy of which you have,) which was not in the original, 
and never was interpreted by me for the Indians, or requested by the 
Indians to be snid to the President. The main object of the Indians in 
having the letters wrote, was, that their great father should send a com- 
missioner to settle their pecuniary affairs, without making specific charges 
against any individuals, particularly against the agent, Colonel Pepper ; the 
Indians all know that he is a faithful public officer, and a good father to 
them. I have been in the Government service for nearly forty years, and 
now getting old. I was the interpreter to General Harrison at Post Vin- 
cennes, and have since been identified withjtll the treaties made in the 
country as interpreter. 1 followed my chiefs, General Harrison and Tip- 
ton, and was with them at the battle of Tippecanoe. Since then I have 
been the Government interpreter for this agency. Now, my dear sir, I have 
the painful duty to acknowledge that I have acted improperly, and deserv- 
ed the censure of my officer, Colonel Pepper, and the President, for doing 
as I have innocently done; that is, allowing Mr. Ewing to hold a council 
with the Indians for whom I am interpreter, and allowing myself to be 
deceived by him relative to the contents of the letter alluded to; and also 
that I did not demand or retain the said letter until my officer, Colonel 
Pepper, had approved of it. You will please to understand me distinctly, 
that no reproaches were made in the original letter interpreted by me for 
the Indians, against Colonel Pepper. I must say, in conclusion, that I beg 
the favor of the department that I may in my old age be retained in the 
public service ; and through the medium of this letter, to add my regrets 
that I have, in any manner, innocently been the cause of injuring the feel- 
ings of my good officer. To him I owe an additional apology for allowing 
myself to witness a document purporting to be what the Indians said, which 
they did not say; neither was Mr. Ewing authorized to say what he has 
said in that letter. I am not able to read or write English as well as many 
others, and it being the habit with me to depend upon my officer to take 
down what the Indians say in writing correctly, I did not examine the 
letter after Mr. Ewing had wrote it, and was therefore greatly deceived by 
him. It is a good lesson for me, and I never will again be deceived by 
bad men, and do things, even innocently, in the absence of my officer, that 
I afterwards regret. 

It was the intention of the Indians, and expressed by them, that the let- 
ter was to be given to Colonel Pepper, and by him forwarded to the Presi- 
dent. I never interpreted the letter as it now reads. Had I done so, the 
President would do but justice in turning me out of public employment, 



49 



[ 198 ] 



«ven with the recommendation of forty years' faithful service heretofore. 
This bad man has deceived me ; he has deceived the Indians; and to gratify 
his personal feelings against individuals, he represents the Indians to say, 
and me to have interpreted, what they never said. 

I hope you will be satisfied with my statement, and will beg the favor of 
you to make such report to the department as will explain the manner in 
which I have been deceived. 

Very respectfully, 

JOSEPH BARRON. 

Hon. J. W. Edmonds, 

Commissioner for investigating for Potawatamie Indians. 



Letter of Peter Barron to ike Commissioner. 

Logansport. Jane 23, 1837. 
Sir : Having understood that you depart in the morning-, I feel it my 
duty to mention some facts that are not contained in my testimony as given 
before you. You are aware that Mr. G. W. Ewing and his counsel, both 
insisted before you, during the time that my examination was going on, 
that I should be allowed to read the letter to which my name is appended 
as a witness, as they had ; and you readily granted their request. You also 
recollect, that during the investigation of that letter, the original was called 
for, and the statement was made that it was at Washington city. Now, sir, 
I have to state that the said Mr. G. W. Ewing handed me the original let- 
ter, to which my own handwriting as witness is appended, to read at his 
own house, previous to his request that I should have the liberty of reading 
the copy in your possession : and I do believe that the original letter men 
tioned, and the copy you have, differ in substance ; and am certain that I 
signed but one letter as a witness. 

PETER BARRON, 



Letter from Commissioner to Colonel Ewing. 

Detroit, September 15, 1837. 
Sir: On the morning that I left Logansport, a letter was put into my 
hands, signed by Peter Barron, in which he states that he witnessed only 
one letter from the chiefs of the Wabash Potawatamies to the President : 
that the letter which he signed, and which was that signed by the chiefs, 
he saw in your possession at Logansport while I was there ; and that he 
believes it to be different from the copy which I had and used on the 
investigation. 

This statement was ? under the circumstances, so extraordinary, that I 
felt myself called upon to procure the original letter from Washington 
before I would give credit to it. On my arrival at this place, I wrote to 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and have received the paper from him. 

I regret to say that an inspection of it confirms the statement of Barron . 
It is evident that the names of the witnesses to it were not written by thoee 
4 



I 198] 



50 



individuals, but they are apparently all in the same handwriting. Gosiand 
you are aware, cannot write at all; but his name is written in full; and 
the other signatures are widely different from those with which I became 
acquainted as the genuine handwriting of the persons named. 

You will perceive how serious is the charge which may be made in 
reference to this paper, and how difficult it will be for me, without an 
inspection of the paper in your hands, to determine its accuracy. 

I must, therefore, request that you will forward to me by mail, directed 
to me at Hudson, the original letter to which Barron refers. 

You will perceive that there is not now any genuine letter from the 
chiefs before the Government. That which I was directed to investigate 
has been disputed, in whole or in part, by the chiefs, and by the witnesses 
to it; and an inspection of the paper itself is against its authenticity. Of 
course, I cannot permit myself to doubt that the paper which 1 have is a 
correct copy of the original in your possession ; but I cannot know or say 
that it is so until I see the original ; nor will it until then be in my power to 
remove the imputations which may grow out of the state of things as they 
now exist before me. 

I hope to receive your early answer, as my report will be delayed until 
then. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant 7 

J. W. EDMONDS, 
United States Commissioner* 

To Colonel G. W. Ewing. 



Letter of the Chiefs as transmitted. 

To our Great Father, Andrew Jackson, 

President of the United States: 

Father: We, the undersigned, chiefs, headmen, and warriors of the 
Wabash Potawatamie Indians of the Eel river agency, have come into 
this place, having escaped from the late payment ground in our own 
country under cover and protection of the troops ; and in this manner we 
fled from our homes and villages here, in the hopes of finding security and 
protection for ourselves and families, from the Catholic and hostile British 
Indians of the north, and their evil advisers, namely : a great number of 
degraded Frenchmen and half-bloods, who live near to and among the St 
Joseph's Indians, and who have been active in exciting those deluded 
Indians to fall upon and massacre us. 

Father : We have always listened well to your good advice and wise 
counsels, and we find them good. We know you are a great, brave, and 
good man ; that you will do as you promise. We come now with sore 
hearts, and our minds filled with sorrow, to speak with you and tell you 
true. We intended to speak to you through our father whom you have 
placed near us, (Colonel Pepper,) but he has gone away, and can't hear us, 1 
Before we had signed treaties to him, father, for all our lands, he was j 
always ready to hear us, and to promise us the protection of your strong 
arm; but now he has our treaties in his pocket for our entire country, he !| 
has no time to hear us, nor to protect us in our present deplorable situation, j 



I 

51 [ 198 ] 

Bold out of house and home, and without a father to provide for. protect-, 
•or otherwise take care of us, and hourly in danger (if we return to our 
villages) of being massacred by those hostile Indians who have ever refused 
to listen to your good counsels as well as to ours. We wish and intend to 
follow the advice and counsels of our great father, and to look to him for 
support and protection — that protection which has been promised us, and 
which was a strong inducement with us when we sold all our lands, and 
for which we have incurred the vengeance of our bad people. Again, we 
saw there were too many white people about our reserves for us to live on 
them in peace, and we signed a general treaty in September last, selling all 
'our lands to our great father, and agreed to go west of the Mississippi, 
and accept of that home he had there provided for us. Father, so soon as 
this fact was known to the Catholic Indians, who resided on these last sold 
reserves, and to those St. Joseph's and Chicago renegade Indians who have 
collected on them, in great numbers, and all of us being now assembled 
together near the Tippecanoe river, where we were to receive our money, 
a great excitement prevailed ; those Indians who opposed us, held a council 
of war, and resolved that every one of us who bad signed the treaty should 
be killed ; and they proceeded to appoint war chiefs, whose duty it should 
be, and now is, to»see their decree put in execution. We were immediately 
menaced and insulted by them, and told what we had to expect from them; 
and on the next day, being the day on which we had received our annuity 
and treaty money, the house we were in transacting our business was 
surrounded by those Indians and their associates and advisers, the clan of 
Frenchmen before spoken of, and our lives were threatened on every side. 
Alexander Coquillard, a bad man, who has always opposed our great 
lather's policy, was among them and at the head of the assailants ; he got 
upon a house, and made a speech to the hostile Indians, and urged them 
to kill us; lie told them we were not chiefs; that we were boys and hog 
thieves ; that the President of the United States was a bad man, a rascal, 
and that he had stolen the Indians' lands ; that he was now robbing them 
t>f their money, (because we were willing to pay our just debts,) and that 
he would next send us away like dogs west of the Mississippi, where 
we would be poor and unhappy. He then got up John B. Shadrina, a 
Potawatamie half-blooded Indian, who repeated again, loud and plain, 
what Coquillard had before said to all the Indians. 

Father : We will now return to what we wish to say about our money, 
most of which we were robbed of and cheated, out of by bad white men, as 
you will soon hear. We received from Captain Simonton $64,000, and 
•gave him our receipt ; he is a good man, and treated us very kindly ; and 
so did our agent, Colonel Pepper, whom we also love and respect. They 
took some of this money, with our consent and approbation, to pay depre- 
dation claims ; the amount was about .$2,500. This was very right. The 
balance was all delivered to us after we had given our receipts to Captain 
'Simontan for it ; and we were then told by them that the money belonged 
to us ; that it was what our great father owed us for our lands, and we had 
a right to do what we thought proper with it ; but our father. Colonel Pep- 
per, advised us to pay our debts and act like honest men ; to which we 
replied that we intended to do so, and accordingly had got two of our friends 
(men whom we knew were honest and capable) to aid and assist us in 
counting and paying such of our debts as we should direct. These two 
men are Cyrus Taber and George W. Ewing, known to us as Miami-mo 



r lee j 



52 



and Show-o-no-nio — they live in Loganspcrf. Gilt father, Colonel Pepper'; 
promised also to help us, and to stay with and protect us, and keep proper 
order until we could do our business ; it would have required about one 
day. We began paying off such of our debts as we knew to be justly due 
from us, and we rejected and refused to pay such as we knew were not 
proper ; (of this description there were a ^reat number.) At the payment, 
the year before, we had settled with all our traders ; had then paid them a 
part, and agreed to pay them another part this year. A list of those claims 
was left with our agent, Colonel Pepper. He called them over one by one - 
we ordered them paid so far as we thought just ; and the two men we had 
there to assist us, paid out our money as we directed them. We found two 
large sums on the schedule at the bottom, that had never been allowed by 
us ; they were put on the next day (we afterwards learned) by some per- 
son improperly, and without our knowledge and consent. These two large 
sums, amounting in all to $6,000, we refused to pay, because we did not 
owe them. We proceeded to pay such claim's as we knew to be due from 
us. We gave Joseph Barron, our old friend, who has always divided his 
last shilling with us, who had supplied us with goods, provisions, and horses? 
for the last year, in all, the amount of $5,500. This sum, added to the 
amount we owed him on the schedule ot last year, mz : $ 2.500, made 
in all eight boxes. This amount we paid over to him in open council r 
our friends, whom we had appointed for that purpose, counted it out to 
him : he took it away and put it in his house close by. The next man we 
paid was our friend Ewing, (Show-o-no-mo.) of the firm of Ewing, Walker, 
& Co., of Logansport. This man we owed as follows, viz: amounts 
advanced by him to our people, under General Marshall's treaties in 
December, 1834, in all $6,200, for which he has the receipts of the different 
bands; amount due him on schedule of August, 1835, in the hands of 
agent, $6,450 ; this was for goods and provisions advanced and trusted 
out to the Wabash Potawatamies by him at Fort Wayne and Logansport^ 
since the treaty of October, 1832, and up to that date, as schedule shows ;- 
amount advanced by him under the treaties made by Colonel Pepper, our 
agent, this last year, in all $11,500; and amount advanced by him in 
goods and provisions, after settlement with us in August, 1835, and until 
the time of last payment in September, 1836, $7,850 ; making in ail 
$32,000. We had examined all of his vouchers and accounts, and were 
fully satisfied that we owed him that amount. We therefore gave him our 
note for the whole amount, and agreed to pay him the one-half of it this year, 
and the other half next spring. With this understanding he was satisfied,- 
and so were we ; for we would have paid him more if he had insisted on it„ 
He is and has long been our great friend, has ever supplied and supported 
us. We have known him as our trader for fifteen years ; he speaks our 
language well, is a good man to us and to our people : they all like him, 
for he never refuses to clothe or to feed us. Had it not been for him, during 
the last year, we must have suffered, and our children starved for bread. 
He paid out his money to purchase flour and bacon in large quantities, 
(which was very high and hard to get ;) and with this he supplied all the 
Wabash Potawatamies who called on him. It was both our wish and our 
interest to pay such a friend, and to support him, in return, when it was 
in our power to do so. He told us that it was necessary for him to have 
money ; that he too was in debt ; that he owed his friends in New York r 
where he had got blankets and rifles for us : that he wanted to pay those 



53 



[ 198] 



men to get more goods. We therefore paid him as we had agreed to do — 
the half of his claim, namely, sixteen boxes ; and we, with our own hands, 
in open council, counted and laid them aside for him. The next friend 
was Cyrus Taber. This man stood in a similar relation to us that our 
friend Kwing did ; we call him Mi-ami-mo ; all our people know him, go 
to his house, and are well treated by him. We owed him, in all, under 
General Marshall's and Colonel Pepper's treaties, and for other advances 
made by him up to that time, (embracing $4,000, which we agreed last 
year to pay him this year, as our schedule will show,) in all the sum of 
$16,000. His account had been examined and explained to us, and we 
were satisfied of its correctness. We therefore agreed to pay him eight 
boxes this year, being the one-half of the entire amount of his demand ; 
and to pay him the remainder next spring. He has always been a good 
man to us, and supplied us when we were in need. We therefore selected 
him and Ewing as our friends with whom we would do all our business, 
and we did so almost exclusively. We always counselled and advised 
with them before we sold any of our lands ; for although we love our 
agent, and believe him to be a good father and an honest man, yet we did 
not know him as well as we did these two friends of ours, who have lived 
here among us for many years. They advised us to sell our lands to you, 
and to do in all cases as our great father would advise — to look to no one 
but him — that he was the great father of all the Americaus, was a great, 
good, and just man ; and that he would be a good father to us if we would 
be obedient children to him; that he would take care of us, and enable us 
to pay our just debts, and to go from this country in peace. This was the 
kind of counsel they gave us, and they went out among our people this 
last spring and summer, and helped Colonel Pepper make all his treaties ; 
so when we heard the same talk from Colonel Pepper, from our old friend 
Josa, and from these two last friends, we believed what we heard, and wo 
sold our lands to our great father. In all cases the protection of our 
great father was promised us. and that our just debts should be paid, or 
that we would have money enough sent to us by our great father to 
pay them. In this we don't say we have been deceived, for our hearts 
were glad when we saw you had sent us so many boxes of money this 
year ; and had we not been abused and robbed by bad white men of our 
money, our hearts would yet have been glad, and our honest debts paid. 

Father: When the white people found we were willing to pay our 
honest debts, and that we were willing to appropriate the most of our mo- 
ney for this purpose, they began to make papers, (i. e. claims ;) and in this 
way, and upon the payment ground, whilst we were transacting our own 
business, and trying to do what was right and honest, claims and papers 
amounting to near $200,000 were made, (most of them there on the 
ground,) and pushed in upon for immediate payment. V\ r e told the people 
to be patient, and we would take up the claims one by one, call in the 
claimant, and, so for as he could satisfy us that we owed, we would agree 
to it, and pay a part then, the balance next year. This did not seem to 
please or satisfy them. Many large claims were urged by men from the 
river Raisin, and from Detroit, and from Post Vincennes, of twenty-five 
and thirty years standing. These we have no knowledge of, believe they 
are not just, and are not willing to pay any such claims. All these claims 
were paid by us in the treaties of 1826, 1823, and 1832 ; and some of them 
paid two or three times over. These claimants, after getting drunk, the 



54 



most of them, and being joined by Coquillard, and many other bad French- 
men from St. Joseph's, and the hostile Indians, rushed into the house, in 
part, and others began to tear it down, crying out, "we will take the money 
by force and in this way a general mob took place. We, who were 
the proper owners of that money, were entirely disregarded, or abused and 
insulted ; and in this angry, rude, and insulting manner, with clubs, pis- 
tols, dirks, and guns in their hands, they seized upon our money and took 
it from us. They then took from our friends, Ewing, Taber, and Barron, 
the money we had paid them. By this time the agent, Colonel Pepper, 
had partly succeeded in quieting the mob; but they were very abusive r 
and so were the hostile Indians, towards us. It was now night ; we heard 
from every side that we were all to be killed; aud dreading such conse- 
quence, we went to our agent, and reminded him of his promise that he 
would protect us, and that we expected him to do so ; that we had not 
done anything wrong, as we were aware of. He spoke like a man to us, 
and said that the great father never broke his word ; and that he (the 
agent) would protect us, or would die with us ; to be quiet and keep still, 
and leave the balance to him. This speech he made to us through our 
friend, Ewing, and we believed it. Ewing then told us not to fear ; that 
the strong arm of our great father was near at hand, and that it should be 
over and protect us before the setting of another sun. He encouraged 
some of our chiefs and young warriors, and told them to defend themselves, 
if attacked. This friend gave us much good advice, and was frequently 
with us. The night was spent in great suspense ; we did not sleep, for 
we expected to be attacked, and all killed. The next day was a tedious 
and long day. The St. Joseph's Indians and Frenchmen held frequent 
councils all that day, and finally despatched two of their war chiefs, Ash- 
kum and Ship-shewaw-a-noo, followed by about 300 young Indians of the 
hostile party, to the council-house ; and there they elevated themselves 
(the two chiefs) upon a large box directly in front of the agent's house, 
where he, the paymaster, and ourselves wete. They there made long and 
most inflammatory speeches against us and against our great lather. 
They repeated, in substance, what had been said the day previous by 
Coquillard and Shadrina, on the house-top. They said the President of 
the United States was a rascal ; that he had lied to, and cheated them ; 
that he had stolen our lands, and had made chiefs out of boys and hog- 
thieves ; that we were not chiefs, and should all be killed. About this time 
good news came, and we were informed that troops were at hand ; that 
one hundred young braves were then on their march to the camp to pro- 
tect us, and to see that the name of our great lather was not insulted. It 
was true ; for they came, and they looked like warriors, and they were all 
well armed ; they marched into the camp. The bad Indians and the bad 
white people gave way ; one of the young braves planted the flag of our 
great father on the top of the council-house, and neither the bad French- 
men nor the British or Catholic Indians dared disturb it. This was very 
gratifying to us ; for we saw that, although they disliked the strong arm 
of our great father, yet they had not the courage to insult and disturb it; 
Then our hearts were glad, and we felt protected. We then agreed, in or- 
der to satisfy the white people that we wanted to do what was right, that 
Colonel Pepper and Captain Simonton might select five ^ood white men 
more, who should be entirely disinterested ; and that they should be under 



55 



[ 198 J 



our control ; should help us pay out part of our money to our own peo- 
ple, and that they then should pay out such sums on the different claims 
against us as we should direct them to pay, after having first examined the 
claim, and satisfied ourselves it was just. To do this, it was thought best 
to remove the money from the payment ground to Judge Polke's, about 
three miles distant. Accordingly, five men were named by our agent ; but 
he did not select good or honest men, nor were they disinterested. They 
proved to be very bad men, as you shall soon hear ; and they, too, joined 
in with those bad white people, who had false claims against our people, 
and, among them all, we have been shamefully abused, wronged, and rob- 
bed of our annuity ; our just debts are not paid ; but a large sum, amount- 
ing to near forty boxes of our money, were lavished out by these five bad 
men, and, in many cases, on claims in which they were interested, or had 
been bribed to get allowed. Our agent, after having told these men that 
they were to pay out that money as we should direct, and presuming, we 
suppose, that there would be no further trouble about it, left us, and went 
into Logansport, which we were very sorry for. He had promised, and we 
think he should have staid with us until we had finished our business ; 
for no sooner had he left, than those five men took full possession of our 
money. We were not permitted to go into the house, but were turned out. 
and told that we had nothing to do with that money ; that they were going 
to do as they pleased with it, and truly they did so. And we have good 
reasons for believing that their own pockets were not a little benefitted by 
the transaction. They never examined one single claim, or asked us whether 
we did or did not owe certain claimants ; but gave it out thus arbitrarily, 
or kept it themselves, in part, we know not how, nor will they ever give us 
a list of the names of the persons to whom they paid away our money. 
Father, is not this robbery ? and will you suffer us to be thus abused ? We 
owed honest debts, and were anxious to pay them ; but we wanted the 
privilege of settling those debts ourselves. We are told, and believe, that 
those men paid several large sums or claims, on the condition that, for 
getting them allowed, they should have the one-half; and we are told this 
can be positively proven in several cases. We think our father, Colonel 
Pepper, ought to have remained and protected us from such vile imposi- 
tions. We think it was his duty to have remained there until we could 
have disposed of that money, on behalf of our people, as' they desired it 
done ; they and ourselves were the proper owners of it ; it was taken from 
us forcibly ; our friends, whom we justly owe, are not paid ; they are 
injured and wronged ; and yet to them we must again look for aid and 
support, for we have no money, and those who have cheated us out of our 
money are gone, we know not where. 

Father: We came in here from necessity, as before stated ; and yet the 
agent has provided us no provisions. We are supported by our friends 
Barron, Ewing, and Taber. They are supplying us with beef and bread 
for ourselves and families. We wanted to talk to our father, the agent, 
but he left this morning. It is true we have no more lands to sell, but we 
hope our great father will not refuse to listen to his red children because 
*hey have no more land to sell. We have sold all our country to you, 
father, because you told us you wished us to do so ; and we are always 
willing to listen to your good counsels. 

Father: We want you to send a good man here to look into this 



[198] 



66 



business for us, to get back our money that the bad white men have stoien 
Irom us. We don't want to pay claims that are not just, but we want to 
pay those that are just. We wanted our friends Ewing and Taber paid 
first of all ; and we want you, father, now to see that they are paid. We 
are ashamed and mortified, because these two men are not paid. It is the 
\'oice of the whole of the Wabash Potawatamies that they should be paid. 
We all know their claims to be just, and we all again unite in asking you 
to cause them to be paid out of the first money due us from you. There 
is one man, N. D. Grover, whom we paid all up last year. He came on 
again this year with another large claim. This we don't think is just, but 
we believe this man has cheated and wronged us. Our people never got 
much from him, and we learn he has got a large amount of our money this 
year again. And Edward V. Cicott : this man we paid a large claim to 
last year, amounting to $2,300. We did not justly owe it, nor more than 
one fourth of it ; but we gave it to him ; and this year he has managed to 
get $ 3,500 more of our money for nothing, and most unjustly. We owed 
him nothing, at farthest not to exceed $500. These things are very wrong, 
and we want you to protect us frum such imposition and frauds. Cicott 
was one of the five men selected to help us settle our business, (they 
were all to be entirely disinterested persons,) and he continued to defraud 
us out of near $4,000. Grover was one of the drunken mob-men, and 
has been paid for his rascality by receiving $3,000 or $4,000 of our money 
for nothing. 

Father: We have now told you the truth about our situation, and as 
to the shameful manner in which our money has been taken from us ; and 
we ask you to hear the truth, inquire into the outrage, and to do us justice. 
Next and lastly, as to ourselves : You see our situation ; we are here without 
an agent, or a father, destitute of money, afraid to return with our families 
to our villages, for our lives are threatened, and bad Indians are waiting 
for us. We hear from them daily. We are not afraid to die, nor do we 
want to shed the blood of our own people. If we have done wrong, it has 
been in listening to your counsels; but we still think we have done right ; 
and we want our great father to send a good talk to this frontier ; tell 
those bad Indians, and the bad white people too, that they must not do as 
they have done, and that you will punish them for the injury they have 
already done. 

Father : The cause of the great trouble was in part owing to the large 
sum of money you had sent us, which caused had men, both red and white, 
from every quarter, to gather in upon us ; and our agent was without a 
£uard, or any way of defending himself. But the great difficulty was the 
fact of our having sold out those remaining reserves upon which the 
Catholic and British Indians, French, and half- French, and the priest, 
reside. Those Indians had refused to sell and remove west /lid they had 
shut their ears against your counsel. They have sworn to kill us for having 
signed the treaty ; and we much fear they will execute their wicked designs, 
unless awed from it by a strong talk from you, or unless you send some of 
your troops here early next spring. We expect the protection of our great 
father. We hope he will not forget us ; if he does, we will most likely 
be kiljed by our bad people. You have promised us your protection and 
friendship. We want it now, or we are lost. A bad fate awaits us if you 
don't take some active measures to save us, 



57 



[ 198] 



Father : What we have said comes through our hearts ; it is true, and 
we have nothing more to say. 

Logansport, Indiana, October 18, 1836. 

Pash-po-ho, his x mark. 

0- Kah-maus, his x mark. 

1- o-weh, his x mark. 
M-jo quis, his x mark. 
Wee-wee-sah, his x mark. 
No-taw-kay, his x mark. 
Po-kah-gaus, his x mark. 
Nas-waw-kay, his x mark. 
Ke-waw-nay, his x mark. 
Mal-chis-saw, his x mark. 
Nee boos h, his x mark. 
Pee-pin-a-naw, his x mark. 
To-posh, his x mark. 

The proper chiefs, headmen^ and warriors of the Wabash Potawatamies* 

Witnesses present, 

Peter Barron, 
Anthony Barron, 
Andrew Gossland, 
Andrew Jackson, 
Joseph Barron. 



Original letter of the Chiefs to the President. 

To our Great Father, Andrew Jackson, 

President of the United States : 

We, the undersigned, chiefs, headmen, and warriors of the Wabash Pot- 
awatamie Indians of the Eei river agency, came in here, having escaped 
from the Indian country under cover of the troops ; and in this manner 
fled from our homes and villages to this place, in the hope of finding pro- 
tection and security for ourselves and families from the Catholic and hos- 
tile British Indians of the north, and their evil advisers, namely, a great 
number of degraded Frenchmen and half-blooded Indians, who live near 
to and among the St. Joseph's Indians, and who have been active in inciting 
those Indians to fall upon and massacre us. 

Our Father: We have always listened well to your advice and wise 
counsels, and we find them good. We know you are a great brave, a good 
man ; and that you will do as you promise. We therefore come now with 
sore hearts, and our minds filled with sorrow, to speak with you and to tell 
you the truth. We intended to speak to you through our father, whom 
you had placed here near to us, (Colonel Pepper;) but he has gone away, 
and can't hear us. Before we had signed treaties 1 o him for all of our lands ? 
he was always ready to hear us, and to promise us the protection of your 
strong arm; but now that he has-our treaties in his pocket for our entire 
country, he has no time to hear us nor to protect us in our present deplora- 



[ 198 ] 



58 



ble situation. Sold out of house and home, and without a lather to pro- 
vide for and take rare of us, and hourly in danger (if we return to our vil- 
lages) of being massacred by those hostile Indians who have refused to lis- 
ten to our counsels and to yours too. We wish and intend to follow the 
advice and counsels of^ our great father, and look to him for support and 
protection : that protection which has been promised us, and which was 
one of the inducements held out to us on selling all our lands. Again, we 
saw there were too manv white people about our reserves for us to live on 
them in peace ; and we signed a general treaty in September last, selling 
all our country to our great father, and agreed to go west of the Mississippi, 
and accept of that home he had there provided for us. 

Our Father: So soon as/this fact was known to the Catholic Indians 
who resided on these last sold reserves, and to those St. Joseph's and Chica- 
go renegade Indians who had collected on them in great numbers, (and all 
of us being now assembled together near the Tippecanoe, where we were 
to receive our money,) a great excitement prevailed. Those Indians who 
opposed us, and held a council of war, resolved that every one of us who had 
signed the treaty should be killed ; and proceeded to appoint four war-chiefs, 
whose duty it should be and is to see that decree put in execution. We 
were immediately menaced and insulted by them, and told what we had to 
expect ; and on the next day, being the day on which we had received our 
annuity and treaty money, the house we were in transacting our business 
was surrounded by those Indians, and their associates and advisers, the 
clan of Frenchmen before spoken of, and our lives were threatened on 
every side. Alexander Coquillard, a bad man, who was always opposed to 
our great father's policy, was among them, and at the head of the assas- 
sins ; he got upon a house and made a speech to the hostile Indians en- 
camped there to kill us; said we were not chiefs ; that we were boys and 
hog-thieves ; that the President of the United States was a rascal, and had 
stolen the Indians' land; that he was now robbing them of their money, 
and that he would next send them west of the great river, where they would 
be poor and unhappy. He then got up John B. Shadrina, a Potawatamie 
Indian, who repeated again, loud and plain, to all the Indians what he had 
before said. Our father, we will now return to what we wish to say 
about our money, most of which we were robbed of, and cheated out of, by 
bad white men, as you will soon hear. 

We received from Captain Simonton $40,000, and gave him our receipt. 
He is a good man, and treated us very kindly. He took some of this, about 
$2,500, to pay depredation claims. This was right; the balance was de- 
livered to us after we had given our receipt to him for it; and we were told 
that the money belonged to us ; that it was what our great father owed 
us for land, and that we had a right to do what we thought proper with it; 
but our father, Colonel Pepper, advised us to pay our debts and act like 
honest men. This we intended to do, and accordingly had got two of our 
friends (men whom we knew to be honest and capable) to aid and assist us 
in counting and paying such of our debts as we should direct. These two 
men are Cyrus Taber and George W. Ewing ; they live in Logansport. 
Our father, Colonel Pepper, promised also to help us, and to stay with and 
protect us, and keep proper order until we could do our business; it would 
have required about one day. We began paying off such debts as we knew 
to be justly due from us, and we rejected such as we knew were not proper. 
At the payment, the year before, we had settled with all our traders, paid 



59 



[ 198 ] 



them part, and agreed to pay another part this year. A list of these claims 
was left with onr agent. Colonel Pepper ; he called them over one by one; 
we ordered them paid so far as we thought just, and the two men we had 
there to assist us paid out our money as we directed. We found two large 
sums on that schedule that had never been allowed by us ; they were put 
on the next day, (we afterwards learned,) by some person improperly, with- 
out our knowledge or consent. These two large sums, amounting in all 
to $6,000, we refused to pay, because we did not owe them. We then 
proceeded to pay such claims as we knew to be just. We gave Jos. Barron, 
our old friend, who has ever divided his last shilling with us, and who had 
supplied us with goods, provisions, and horses for the last year, in all the 
amount of §5,500. This sum, added to the sum we owed him on the sched- 
ule of last year, namely, $2,500, making in all eight boxes, we paid over 
to him in open council. Our friends whom we had appointed for that pur- 
pose counted it out to him, and he carried it away and put it in his house; 
The next man we paid was our friend Ewing, (Show-o-no-mo,) of the firm 
of Ewing, V^alker, & Co., of Logansport. 'This man we owed as follows, 
namely: amount advanced by him to our people, under General Marshall's 
treaties in December, 1834, in all about $6,200 ; amount allowed him last 
August, (1835,) as per schedule, for goods and provisions trusted out to our 
people up to that time, at Fort Wayne and Logansport. $6,450 ; amount 
advanced by him under the treaties made by Colonel Pepper, our agent, 
this last year, in all about $11,500 : and amount advanced by him in goods 
and provisions after settlement with us in August, 1835, up to the time of 
the last payments, in all about $7,850, making in all $32,000. All of his 
accounts and vouchers we had examined, and were fully satisfied that we 
owed him that amount ; we therefore gave him our note for the whole 
amount, and agreed to pay him the one-half of it this year, and to pay him 
the other next spring. With this understanding he was satisfied, and so 
were we ; for we would have paid him more if he had insisted on it. He 
is our great friend ; has ever supported and supplied us. We have known 
him as our trader for fifteen years ; he speaks our language well; is a good 
man to us and to our people; they all love him, for he never refuses to 
clothe or to feed us. Had it not been for him. during the last year we must 
have suffered, and our children starved for bread. He paid out his money 
to purchase flour and bacon in large quantities, and with this he supplied 
all the Wabash Potawatamies who called on him. It was both our wish 
and our interest to pay such a friend, and to support him in return when it 
was in our power to do so. He told us it was necessary for him to have 
money; that he, too, owed his friends in New York, where he had got blank- 
ets and guns for us ; that he wanted to pay those men, and to get more goods. 
We therefore paid him over, and laid aside for him sixteen boxes. 

The next friend was Cyrus Taber. This man stood in a similar relation 
to us that our friend Ewing did. We call him Miami-mo ; all our people 
know him, go to his house, and are well treated by him : and we owed 
him in all, under General Marshall's treaties and Colonel Pepper's treaties, 
and for other advances made by him up to that time, (embracing $4,000 
which we agreed last year to pay him this year, as our schedule will show,) 
in all the sum of $16,000. His account had been examined and explained 
to us, and we were satisfied of its correctness. We therefore agreed to 
pay him eight boxes this year, being the one half of the entire amount of 
his demand, and to pay him the remainder next spring. He has always 



[ 198] 



60 



been a good man to us, and supplied us when we were in need. We 
therefore selected him and Ewing as our friends, with whom we could do 
all our business, and we always counselled and advised with them before 
we sold any of our lands or made any treaties with our agent, Colonel 
Pepper ; and if they had not advised us, we never would have sold our 
lands ; for, although we love our agent, and beiieve him to be a good 
father and an honest man, yet we did not know him as well as we did our 
two friends who have lived here among us for many years. They advised 
us to sell, and to do in all cases as our great father wished us to do, and 
to look to no one but him : that he was the father of all the Americans, 
was a great, good, and just man, and that he would be a good father to us 
if we would be good children to him ; that he would take care of us, and 
enable us to pay our honest debts, and go from this country in peace. 
This was the kind of counsel they gave us ; and they went out among 
our people this spring and summer and helped Colonel Pepper to make all 
his treaties. So when we heard the same talk from Colonel Pepper, and 
from Josa, and from our two friends, we believed it, and we sold our lands. 
In all cases the protection of our great father was promised us, and 
that our just debts should be paid, or that we would have money enough 
sent to us by our great father to pay them. In this we don't say we 
have been deceived ; for our hearts were glad when we saw you had 
sent us so many boxes this summer, and had we not been robbed and 
abused by bad white men of our money, our hearts would now have 
been glad. 

Our Father : When the white men found we were willing to pay 
our just debts, they began to make papers, (i. e. claims ;) and in this 
way, on the payment ground, whilst we were transacting our own busi- 
ness, and trying to do what was right and honest, claims and papers, 
amounting to near $200,000, were made, (most of them there on the 
ground,) and pushed in to us for payment. We told them to be patient, 
and we would take up the claims one by one, and call in the white 
man ; and so far as he could satisfy us that we owed, we would agree 
to it, and pay a part then, the balance next year. This did not seem 
to please them ; many large claims were urged by men from River Raisin, 
Detroit, and Post Vincennes, of twenty-five or thirty years' standing. 
These we had no knowledge of, and are not willing to pay. These 
claimants, after getting drunk, the most of them, and being joined by 
Coquillard and many other bad Frenchmen from St. Joseph's, and the 
hostile Indians, rushed into the house in part ; and others began to tear 
it down, crying out, " We will take the money by force ;" and in this 
manner a general mob took place. We who were the true and proper 
owners of that money were entirely disregarded, or abused and ir/sulted ; 
and in this angry mode and insulting manner, they, with clubs, pistols, 
dirks, and guns in their hands, seized upon our money and took it from 
us. They then took from our friend Ewing the sixteen boxes we had 
paid him ; it was yet in the house. They then proceeded to our friend 
Taber's store, a short distance off, and demanded his money, which was 
also given up or taken by the mob. They then went upon old Joseph 
Barron and took from him his money. By this time the agent, Colonel 
Pepper, had succeeded in quieting the mob to a certain extent ; but they 
were very abusive, and so were the hostile Indians, towards us. By 
this time it was night. We heard from every side that we were all to 



61 



L '99 ] 



be killed ; and, dreading such consequence, we went to the agent and 
reminded him of his promise that he would protect us, and that we 
expected him to do so ; that we had not done anything wrong that we 
were aware of. 

He spoke like a man to us, and said that the great father never broke 
his word ; and that he would protect us, or he would die with us ; to be 
quiet and keep still, and leave the balance to him. This speech he made 
to us through our friend Ewing. and we knew it was true. He, Ewing. 
told us not to fear ; that the strong arm of the great father was near at 
hand, and that it should be over and protect them before the setting of an- 
other sun. He encouraged some of our chiefs, and gave out pistols and 
knives to our young braves, and told them to defend themselves if they were 
attacked. This friend gave us much good advice, and was constantly with 
us, The night was spent in great suspense. We did not sleep, for we ex- 
pected to be attacked and all killed. The next day was a tedious andlon£ 
one : the St. Joseph's Indians and Frenchmen held frequent councils all that 
day, and finally despatched two of their war chiefs, Ashkum and Ship-she- 
naw-a-no. followed by about three hundred young Indians, to the council 
house. They there got a large box and placed the two war chiefs on it 
directly in front of the agent's house, where he, Captain Simington, and 
ourselves were, who made these long and inflammatory speeches against us 
and against our great father. They repeated in substance what Coquillard 
and Shadrina had said the day before on the house-top. They said the 
President of the United States was a rascal ; that he had lied to and cheat- 
ed them ; that he had stolen their lands, and made chiefs out of boys and 
hog-thieves ; that we were not chiefs and should all be killed. About this 
time good news came, and our friend Ewing informed us that the troops were 
at hand ; that a hundred young: braves were then on their march to the camp 
to protect us, and to see that the name of our great father was not insulted. 
He spoke true ; for they came, and they looked like warriors. They were 
all well armed ; they marched into the camp ; our bad Indians and bad 
white men gave way. One of the young braves planted the flag of our 
^reat father on the top of the house, and a secret message was sent by our 
friend to the bad Frenchmen and bad Indians to come now and tear down 
that house or that flag ; but they did not come. 

We then agreed, in order to satisfy the white people that we wanted to 
do what was "right, that Colonel Pepper and Captain Simington might se- 
lect five more good white men, who should be entirely disinterested, and 
that they should be under our control, should help us pay out part of the 
money to our own people, and that they should then pay out such sums on 
the different claims as we should order them to pay after having examined 
it. To do this, it was thought best to remove the money from the payment 
ground to Judge Polke's, about three miles distant. Accordingly, five men 
were named by our agent and Captain Simington ; but they did not select 
good or honest men, nor disinterested men. They proved to be very bad 
men, as you will soon learn, and they, too, joined in with those bad white 
people who had false claims against our people, and among them all we have 
been shamefully abused, wronged, and robbed of our annuity. Our debts just 
are not paid, but a large sum, amounting to near forty boxes, were lavished 
out by these five bad men ; in many cases given out on claims in which they 
were interested, or had been bribed to get allowed. Our agent, after having; 
told these men that they were to pay out that money as we should direct. 



[ 198 ] 



and presuming, as we suppose, that there would be no further trouble about 
n, left us and went into Logansport, which was very wrong in him. He had 
promised, and we think it was his duty to have remained there until we had 
finished our business. No sooner had he left, than these five men took full 
possession of our money. We were not permitted to go into the house, 
but were turned out, and told that we had nothing to do with the money, 
that they were going to do as they pleased with it. And truly they did so^ 
and we have good reason to believe that their own pockets were not a little 
benefitted by the transaction. They never examined one claim, nor asked 
us whether we did or did not owe, but disposed of that money of ours (they 
say) justly, nor will they give us a list of the names to whom they paid it. 
Our father, is this not robbery ? and will you suffer us to be thus abused ? 
We owed honest debts, and were anxious to pay them ; but we w anted the 
privilege of settling those debts ourselves. We are told and believe that 
those men paid several large claims on the condition that for getting them 
allowed they should have the one half : and we are told this can be positive- 
ly proven in several instances. Our father ought to have remained and 
protected us from such vile imposition. We think it was his duty to have 
remained there until our money was disposed of by us for and on behalf of 
our people, who were the proper owners of it. But, as it is, we are injured ; 
our friends whom we honestly owe are not paid, and they are thereby se- 
riously injured and wronged ; and yet to them we must again look for aid 
and support, for we have no money, and those who cheated us out of it 
have gone we know not where. 

Our Father : We came in here from necessity, as before stated, and 
yet the agent has given us no provisions. We are supported here by our 
friends Joseph Barron, Ewing, and Taber. They are furnishing us beef 
and bread. We wanted to talk to our father, the agent, but he left this 
morning ;>had not time to hear us, we suppose. We have no more land to 
sell, it is true ; but we hope our great father will not refuse to listen to his 
red children because they have no more land to sell. We have sold it all 
to you, father, because you said you wished us to do so ; and we are wil- 
ling to listen to your wise counsels. 

Our Father : We want you to send a good man here to look into this 
business, to get back the money that the bad white people have stolen from 
us and robbed us of. We don't want to pay debts that are not just, and we 
want to pay those that are just. We wanted Taber and Ewing paid first 
of all ; and we want you, our great father, now to see that they are paid. 
We feel ashamed and mortified because these men are not paid. It is the 
voice of the whole of the Wabash Potawatamies. We all owe them, and 
know their claims to be just, and we all unite in asking you to cause them 
to be paid out of the first money due us from you. There is one man (N. 
D. Grover) whom we paid all up last year ; he comes on with another large 
claim. This we don't think is just; we think he has cheated and wronged 
us. Our people never got much from him. We learn he has got a large 
amount of our money this year again. And E. V. Cicott : this man we 
paid a large claim to last year, $2,300. We did not justly owe it, but we 
gave it to him. This year he has got $3,000 more of our money for noth- 
ing ; we owed him nothing, at farthest not to exceed $500. These things 
are very wrong, and we want you to protect us from such impositions and 
frauds. We don't think we owed cither of these men to exceed $500. Ci- 
cott was one of the five men selected to help us settle our business. (They 



63 



[ 1 98 J 



Wertj to be disinterested men.) Grover was one of the drunken rnob'men, 
and has been paid for his rascality by getting §3,000 or $4,000 of our money 
for nothing. We did not owe him but a very small amount, if anything. 

Our Father : We have now told you the truth about our situation, 
and as to the manner our money was taken from us, and we ask you to hear 
and learn the truth and to do us justice. Next and lastly as to ourselves : 
You see our situation ; we are here without an agent or father, destitute of 
money, afraid to return with our families to our villages, for our lives are 
threatened, and bad Indians are waiting for us. We hear from them daily, 
We are not afraid to die, nor do we want to shed the blood of our people, 
if we have done wrong, it has been in taking your advice and in listen- 
ing to your counsels. But we still think we have done right, and we want 
you, our father, to send a good talk to this frontier. Tell these bad Indians, 
and the bad white people too, that they must not do as they have done ? 
and that you will punish them for the damage they have done. Our father, 
• he cause of the great trouble was in part owing to the large sum of money 
you had sent us. which caused bad men, both red and white, to gather 
in from every quarter, and our agent was without a guard or any way of 
defending himself; but the great difficulty was the fact of our having sold 
out the remaining reserves upon which the Catholic Indians reside, and 
which they refused to sell, and had shut their ears against your counsels. 
They have sworn to kill us for having signed the treaty, and we much fear 
they will carry out their wicked intentions, unless awed from it by a strong 1 
talk from you. We hope our great father will not forget us : we expect his 
niotection and friendship. 

Our Father : After our money was thus squandered and distributed, 
we went in and demanded from those five men. through our interpreter, Jo- 
seph Barron, a receipt or copy of the list of names to whom they had paid 
our money, or to let us know what they had done with it. All of this they 
refused to give us, and replied that they had nothing to do with us. 

Our Father : What we have said is from our hearts. It is true, and 
we have no more to say. 

Done at Logansport, October 18, 1836. 



Witnesses present, 
Peter Barron, 
Anthony Barron*. 
Andrew Gosslan, 
Andrew Jackson^ 
Joseph Barron 



Pash-po-ho, 

0- ka-maus, 

1- o-wa, 
M-jo-quis, 
We-we sah, 
No-taw-kah, 
Po-kah-gaus, 
Nas-wau-kay, 
Ke-waw-nay, 
Mat-chis-saw, 
Ne-bo-ash, 
Pe-pin-a-waw, 
Po-posh, 



his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark, 
his x mark- 



[ 198 ] 64 

Copy of indictment for the riot 

State of Indiana, } 
Fulton county , $ 

Fulton Circuit Court, March term, A. D. 183* . 

The grand jurors of the said State of Indiana, good and lawful men of said 
county of Fulton, empannellcd, sworn, and charged, in the said Pulton circuit 
court, at the term thereof aforesaid, to inquire within and for the body of said 
county of Fulton, upon their oath present : That Alexis Coquillard, Nicholas 
Grover, Job B. Eldridge, Francis Comparet, John B. Shadrina, and Chaun- 
•cey,Carter, late of said county, on the tenth day of September, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, with force and arms, 
in the county aforesaid, did then and there unlawfully, riotously, and rout- 
ously assemble and gather together to disturb the peace of the said State; 
and being so assembled and gathered together, did then and there unlaw- 
fully, riotously, and routously, and in a violent and tumultuous manner, 
make a great noise, riot, and disturbance ; and did then and there continue 
to remain making a noise, riot, and disturbance, for the space of an hour 
and more then next following, to the great terror and disturbance of the 
good citizens of this State, to the evil example of all others in like case of- 
fending, contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provid- 
ed, and against, the peace and dignity of the State of Indiana. 

And the jurors aforesaid, upon their oath, aforesaid, do further present, 
that the said Alexis Coquillard, Nicholas D. Grover, Job B. Eldridge. 
Francis Comparet, John B. Shadrina, and Chauncey Carter, on the day 
and year last aforesaid, with force and arms in the county aforesaid, did 
then and there unlawfully, riotously, and routously, and in a violent and 
tumultuous manner, tear, pull, and force off the butting pole of a certain 
house belonging to the United States of America, then and there being, to 
the great disturbance and terror of the good citizens of this State then and 
there being, to the evil example of all persons in like cases offending, con- 
trary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided, and against 
the peace and dignity of the State of Indiana. 

JOSEPH L. JERNEGAN, P. A. 



Mo. 9. 

Extract from a letter of Major John Garland, principal military disburs- 
ing agent) dated 

Detroit, January 17, 1838. 

Dear Sir : Mr. Schoolcraft has obliged me with a perusal of the report 
of Colonel Edmonds, upon the difficulties which arose at the payment of the 
Potawatamies of Indiana, in 1836. It is written with more than ordinary 
clearness, and some of his suggestions as to the manner in which the an- 
nuities should be paid are excellent. 

Wherever large bodies of Indians are assembled to receive their annui- 
ties, there the traders will be found, with intoxicating drinks and worthless 
trinkets, with which they possess themselves of every thing that is useful 
or valuable to the Indian The consequence is. often, drunkenness, riot. 



65 



[198] 



and murder ; leaving the payment more injured than benefitted. Where- 
as, if they are paid off in small bands, and at different places, the traders 
will find it rather unprofitable to follow up the paymaster, and thus leave 
the Indians in the full enjoyment of that which was designed for their 
benefit. 

1 am satisfied that goods and provisions, judiciously selected and issued, 
will prove more beneficial to a large majority of the northwestern Indians 
than money, and will be less sought after than specie. This description of 
payment will interfere very little with the fur trader. The other Indian 
traders with the Indians are most of them nuisances to the community with 
whom they trade, 



No. 10. 

[extracts.] 

Washington, January 20, 1838. 

Sir : Your letter of this date is received, calling on me to report under 
three specific heads : First, on the policy of paying annuities to Indian 
tribes altogether in goods. Second, on the expediency of changing or 
abolishing the present system of trade with the Indian tribes ; and thirdly, 
as to the manner in which these objects can best be effected, having regard 
to economy, to liberal justice to the Indians, and the proper discharge of 
the obligations of the Government. 

I have the honor to state, in reply, in detail, as follows : First. From my 
experience of nearly nineteen years in the remote northwestern region, I 
can safely say, it would be sound policy to pay ail annuities to the several 
tribes in goods, adapted to their wants and habits respectively. This ar- 
rangement, once carried into effect, would rescue the Indians from that 
degradation and want into which they are fast falling, under the present 
system of specie payments. The Indians derive little or no benefit in the 
northwest from their treaties, in consequence of the cupidity of the fur 
traders, who monopolize the specie, and leave the poor Indian in a state of 
drunkenness and despair, and his family, of course, destitute ; consequently, 
with this view of facts, no philanthropic mind can hesitate as to the pro- 
priety of supplying the Indian tribes, when it can be done, with merchan- 
dise in lieu of money. Second. Of the expediency of changing or abolish- 
ing the present system of Indian trade. It would seem to me, rather than 
we should lose all control over the tribes, by the malific practices of the 
trade, that the monopoly of a powerful company had best be curtailed, and 
not destroyed at once. Hence, you will observe, I advocated strongly in 
my letter to the department of date the 24th of July last, the necessity, as 
well as the propriety, of the re-establishment of the " factory system" west 
of the Mississippi. This once done, you would not find it expedient to 
abolish the present system, or to change it in anywise, as the factors and 
agents would, in a short time, draw the Indians wholly under their influ- 
ence ; therefore, it is my opinion that unless something of this nature be 
substituted by the Government, we should not be safe in changing too ma- 
terially the present onerous system of trade with the Indians, or to abolish 
it in the dispersed state of the tribes. Third, and lastly; to effect the ob» 



[19S] 



66 



jects herein indicated upon the most economical plan, dealing liberally with 
the Indians, and to discharge the obligations of the Government. 1 have 
no doubt but that all the tribes in the northwest may be induced to com- 
mute their specie for goods, and such other articles as their necessities are 
known to require ; but this decision of the Indians would be violently op- 
posed by the fur companies, and hence the necessity of the factory system, 
which would place the officers of the Indian Department on even ground, 
and render certain the accomplishment of this all important item in the 
control of the ignorant savage, for his benefit. Supplies of merchandise, 
including treaty stipulations, may be now transported to almost any section 
of the Indian Territories, at a comparatively small cost. 

* * . * # * * v • * * - s 

I will remark, in conclusion, that the early action of Congress, on the 
affairs of our Indian relations, at each and every session, would enable the 
department to discharge promptly and satisfactorily all obligations on the 
part of the Government to the Indian tribes. 

With high respect, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

LAW. TALIAFERRO, 
Indian Agent at &t. Peter's. 

Hon. C. A. Harris, 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 



No. 1L 

Bedford, February 5, 1838. 
Sir : In further reference to your letter of the 20th ultimo, I have the 
honor to submit the following remarks on the subjects indicated ; 1. There 
can be no doubt of the soundness of the policy of paying the annuities to 
the Indian tribes altogether in goods, having reference especially to their 
benefit and future comfort in all respects. All funds should be paid to heads 
of families on fair rolls prepared at the department, and furnished all 
disbursing agents for that purpose. This course of policy, besides rendering 
the condition of the Indians more free from vice and corruption, would 
check the undue influence which the Indian traders exercise over the minds 
of the chiefs and braves, and in a few years' time withdraw them from the 
wandering habits of the chase ; when they would become agriculturists 
and stock-raisers, and very soon a just delight in the knowledge of the 
value of property. Half-yearly payments to the tribes ought to be as 
generally adopted as practicable. 2. The expediency of changing or 
abolishing the present system of trade with the Indian tribes has been a 
subject of deep study and great concern with me for many years, and since 
the extraordinary transactions of February, 1823, on the Mississippi, 
knowing, as I do, the general policy of traders as wholly at war with that 
of the Government, their influence must be curtailed, if not destroyed, 
before any legislation, however wise and discriminating for the better 
condition of the tribes, can be possibly carried out for their general benefit, 
or for the peace and tranquillity of an extensive frontier. The re-establishment 
of the factory system, for the tribes of the northwest would render the 

RB 12.8 



67 



[ I 98 ] 



present ban 6i ill influences of the fur trader comparatively harmless, and our 
future intercourse, confiding in the Government, prosperous and happy. 

The strong holds of the trade at aU our military posts, ought to be 
abolished ; this I advocated some years since, and my views were seconded 
by (he department. Do this, and exclude all persons from our reservations 
except those attached to the civil and military brandies of the public 
service ; leaving all interior trading locations subject to the future action 
of the department. This step taken, it would paralyze completely the 
onerous policy and views of the trade, by placing all on an equal footing. 
Citizens and foreigners alike ought to be excluded from the Indian country, 
unless by express authority of the department. I presume you will find 
but little discrepancy in the reports of the agents generally upon the affairs 
of the fur trade as connected with the conduct of the traders. 

Goods are sold to the Indians at extravagant prices, and the traders' price, 
also, the furs and peltries they are to receive in return, All annuities and 
treaty stipulations are monopolized, our treaties with the tribes resisted, 
and unless the Indians submit wholly to their dictation, they are threatened 
with the loss of their trade, and consequent starvation and want. This 
powerful weapon thrown into the scales, gives the trader all his influence, 
and leaves the agent with but slim means wherewith to counteract so 
malific a course. Under all these facts, it seems cruel that we cannot at once 
abolish the whole system. But the dispersed state of our Indian population 
requires much time and as mature deliberation on the score of humanity 
and justice, unless the factory system could at once be introduced — a 
glorious day for the tribes of the northwest, and the saving of millions, 
in the due course of time, to the United States, in blood and treasure. 3. 
To effect many of the objects herein indicated, would require the action of 
Congress ; particularly an act for the re establishment of trading houses or 
depots for the security of annuities, &c. in the Indian country. Agents of 
experience and honesty of purpose, having requisite quarters and store-houses, 
might gratuitously receive, store, and deliver, each fall, the second instalment 
of goods, provisions, and general treaty stipulations, set apart at spring 
payments in trust for delivery by the agent and military officer. 

The annuities, &c. being disposed of, we must come to the trade. All 
that can at present be done, with a due regard to economy, to liberal justice 
to the Indians, and the proper discharge of the obligations of the Government, 
can in part be fulfilled and secured by the suggestions which I have the 
honor herewith to submit. 

"With high respect, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

LAW. TALIAFERRO, 

Indian Agent at St. Peter's, 

Hon. C. A. Harris, 

Commissioner Indian Affairs, 




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